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Contents (of the complete article at www.Saltshaker.US/HispanicHope/Recipe.htm) Contenido (del artículo complete ubicado en www.Saltshaker.US/HispanicHope/Recipe.htm)

* 4-part article - 7195 words total, just the English ·Parte 4 del artículo, 7195 palabras en total, sólo en su versión en inglés.

* The Spiritual Stakes, about 3,000 words

* Installments list, with titles and word counts·Lista de episodios con conteo de títulos y palabras.

* 21-part series, analyzing more details of immigration bills, what works and what will fail·21 partes que analizan con mayor detalle los proyectos de inmigración, lo que funciona y lo que fallará.

* 3-part article, 3324 words total·Parte 3 del artículo, 3324 palabras en total.

Next: 3-part article: Part 1 "If we won't do this, others won't do it for us."1632 words not including headlines); Part 2 "The Dream Bill" (2687 words) "Myths: Welfare, Wage Competition, Rule of Law, Bush's Plan is Amnesty" (1464 words) Part 4 "Myths: Overpopulation, National Security" (1412 words.) (The original article is now at the end of this file. What now follows is the same article adapted for Spanish newspapers.) Siguiente: Parte 3 del artículo: Parte 1 "Si no lo hacemos, otros lo harán por nosotros". 1632 palabras, sin incluir los encabezados. Parte 2 "El Proyecto Ideal" (2687 palabras) "Mitos: Subsidio, Competencia Salarial, Norma de la Ley, El Plan Bush es Amnistía" (1464 palabras) Parte 4 "Mitos: Sobrepoblación, Seguridad Nacional" (1412 palabras) ­El artículo original aparece al final de este documento. Lo que sigue es el mismo artículo adaptado para los periódicos en español--.

Edited as of 2/14/05: (These word counts were once accurate, but the articles have been updated since the words were counted)

The Recipe for Perfect Immigration Policy

La Estrategia para una Perfecta Política Migratoria

Congress scattered the ingredients across several bills

El Congreso dispersó los ingredientes a través de varios proyectos

We can register every illegal, secure our borders, reduce USCIS caseloads, and even fix Social Security, all without driving down wages, taking citizens' jobs, straining welfare, rolling up the welcome mat at the Statue of Liberty, or erasing "love thy neighbor as thyself" from the American character

Podemos registrar a cada ilegal, asegurar nuestras fronteras, reducir el número de USCIS, incluso arreglar la Seguridad Social, todo sin manejar salarios bajos, tomar los trabajos de los ciudadanos, dañar el subsidio, enrollar la manta de bienvenida que está en la Estatua de la Libertad, o borrando el "amar a mi prójimo como mí mismo" de la personalidad americana.

Por Dave Leach (Dave Leach aparece en la lista de "¿Quién es Quién es los Medios y Comunicación?". Escribeme a HispanicHope@Saltshaker.US) By Dave Leach (Dave Leach is listed in Marquis' "Who's Who in Communications". Write to him at HispanicHope@Saltshaker.US)

Traducción al español por Gabriela G. Buenrostro, periodista y escritora de varios periódicos y revistas de la Ciudad de México, así como conductora titular del programa radiofónico Zero. (Escribeme a Gabriela@Saltshaker.US). Translation into Spanish by Gabriela G. Buenrostro, former newspaper and magazine journalist and writer, and former host Zero Radio Show in Mexico City. (Write to her at Gabriela@Saltshaker.US)

Part One of a 4-Part Series: If we don't do this, others won't do it for us.

Parte Uno de una Serie de 4 Partes: Si no lo hacemos, otros lo harán por nosotros.

The 2005-2006 Congress is beginning. Major immigration change is likely, pressured by the terrorist threat to national security. The change we get could be very good or very bad, depending on what we do with the opportunity.

El Congreso 2005-2006 está iniciando. El principal cambio en materia de inmigración aparentemente está presionado por la amenaza terrorista a la seguridad nacional. El cambio podría ser muy bueno o muy malo, dependiendo de que hagamos con la oportunidad.

The hope of positive reform is threatened by lawmakers' misunderstanding of the problems. But it is also threatened by the little details of well-intentioned bills which the public might never hear about, but which are very real to those who would become subject to the new law, and which could frustrate the law's purpose.

La esperanza de una reforma positiva es amenazada por la incomprensión que de los problemas tienen los legisladores. Pero igualmente está en riesgo por los pequeños detalles de proyectos bienintencionados de los que la gente pude nunca escuchar nada, pero que son muy reales para aquellos que se convertirían en sujeto de la nueva ley, y que podría frustrar el propósito de la misma.

Congressmen will draw upon details of last year's immigration bills as they write new bills. We already have national discussion of the general problems: it is time for us to direct national attention to the potential details, and to offer solutions.

Los congresistas arrastrarán puntos de los proyectos inmigratorios del año pasado y serán sus nuevos proyectos. Actualmente tenemos una discusión nacional de los problemas generales: es tiempo para que nosotros dirijamos la atención nacional a los puntos esenciales y ofrecer soluciones.

This article is bilingual so that you can share it with English speaking friends, so that they may join our discussion, that we may move towards agreement as we write our lawmakers.

Este artículo está en inglés y en español, así que lo puedes compartir con tus amigos que hablen español, para que ellos se puedan unir a nuestra discusión y podamos encontrar una solución y escribir a nuestros legisladores.

A CNN/Gallup/USA Today poll January 9 (USA Today, January 12, 2005) said 34% approve of President Bush's immigration plan, 54% disapprove, and 12% have no opinion. Actually that 34% approval percentage is over twice as high as the same poll measured it just one year earlier, when Bush's "Guest Worker" plan got only 16% approval.

Una encuesta de CNN/Gallup/USA Today, efectuada el 9 de enero (USA Today, enero 12, 2005), señaló que el 34% aprueba el plan de inmigración del Presidente Bush, 54% no está de acuerdo, y 12% no tiene opinión. Actualmente ese 34% es un poco más del doble que la misma encuesta obtuvo hace un año cuando el plan de Bush, "Trabajador Temporal", obtuvo sólo el 16% de aprobación.

But of which Guest Worker plan do people approve or disapprove? Several bills have proposed details which could contribute towards such a plan. Bush has not said which bill he supports. Details do make a difference, but most of the national discussion of immigration addresses none of them. How can anyone know they oppose Bush's plan, before anyone knows what it is?

¿Qué es lo que la gente aprueba o desaprueba de dicho plan? Muchos proyectos han propuesto puntos que podrían contribuir a alcanzar dicho plan. Bush no ha dicho qué proyecto apoya. Los puntos hacen una diferencia, pero la mayoría de la discusión en materia de inmigración no se dirige a ninguno de ellos. ¿Cómo puede alguien saber que se opone al plan Bush, antes de que sepa de qué se trata?

Bush has only articulated general goals. Are we so smart that, without the necessity of studying any details proposed by any Congressman, we can conclude that no possible details in any law could meet Bush's goals, without causing disaster?

El presidente Bush tiene solamente articuladas metas generales. ¿Somos tan listos que, sin necesidad de estudiar ningún punto propuesto por los legisladores, podemos concluir que "no son factibles esos puntos" en ninguna ley que podría conocer las metas de Bush, sin causar un desastre?

Proverbs 18:13 "He that answereth a matter before he heareth it, it is folly and shame unto him."

Al que responde palabra antes de oir, le es fatuidad y oprobio. Proverbios 18:13

In that January, 2004 poll, 45% thought legal immigration should be reduced. By July 22, 2004, Americans who wanted immigration reduced had grown to 49%, although the perceived increase may be accounted for by the margin of error in the poll. Only 14% wanted immigration increased, but the remainder liked it where it was, prompting the Gallup website to characterize the results as "Americans...are now about evenly split over whether immigrations should be decreased, or maintained at the present level or increased."

En la encuesta de enero del 2004, el 45% pensó que la inmigración legal debería ser reducida. El 22 de julio, del mismo año, los estadounidenses que querían que la inmigración se redujera habían crecido un 4%, es decir, ahora el 49% de los encuestados pensó que este problema tenía que ser controlado, aunque el incremento percibido puede estar contabilizado por el margen de error en la encuesta. Solamente el 14% quería que la inmigración aumentara, pero el resto permaneció como estaba, y puntualmente el sitio web de Gallup globalizó los resultados diciendo que: "Los estadounidenses consideran que la inmigración debería ser disminuida, o mantenida en su nivel actual o incrementada".

A March 8-11 Gallup Poll actually focused on how much people worry! It said 84% worry about illegal immigration, and 37% worry a "great deal" about it.

Una encuesta llevada a cabo del 8 al 11 de marzo por Gallup se enfocó en qué tan preocupada estaba la gente. Decía que el 84% de dicha preocupación era por la inmigración ilegal, y un 37% dijo estar muy preocupado por esto.

But which aspect of the issue provokes worry? Is it that too many people are coming here? Or that people are coming here in a tragic way, hiding from the law, creating a shadowy ghetto? Would Americans still worry, if new laws, which we have the power to influence, could limit the flow to the number of jobs unfilled by citizens, bring all illegals out of hiding, and eliminate under-the-table work ­ all without crowding the land, bankrupting welfare, etc. etc.?

¿Pero cuál aspecto del tema provoca preocupación? ¿Es el que demasiada gente está viniendo aquí? ¿O que esa gente llega aquí de una manera trágica, escondiéndose de la ley, y creando un tenebroso vecindario? ¿Los estadounidenses seguirían preocupados si leyes nueves, en las que tenemos el poder de influir, pudieran limitar el flujo de trabajos no cubiertos por los ciudadanos, traer a los ilegales fuera del escondite, y eliminar el trabajo bajo la mesa, sin que sobrepoblemos la tierra, llevemos a la bancarrota al subsidio, etc., etc.?

No one's first choice is another year of millions working illegally, knowing little English, working for substandard wages, not paying taxes but receiving taxpayer-funded services, with millions more crossing the border, providing great cover for drug runners and terrorists as they, together, dodge the USCIS. (The US Citizenship and Immigration Services is the new name for the INS since March 1, 2003, though some of their forms still say "Immigration and Naturalization Service"; see their website at uscis.gov.)

De nadie es la primera elección de otro año con millones trabajando ilegalmente, sabiendo muy poco inglés, trabajando por salarios miserables, sin pagar impuestos, pero recibiendo los servicios pagados por los contribuyentes, con millones más cruzando la frontera, proporcionando una gran cobertura para los traficantes de drogas y terroristas que, como ellos, eluden a la USCIS. (Ciudadanía US y Servicios Migratorios es el nuevo nombre para la INS desde el 1 de marzo del 2003, aunque algunas de sus formas todavía conservan la leyenda "Servicio de Migración y Naturalización"; consultar su página web en uscis.gov)

No one's first choice is the children of our largest demographic minority being raised by millions of parents with limited understanding of the principles of our freedom, and no experience participating in its preservation.

De ninguno es una primera elección que los niños de nuestra más larga demografía minoritaria sea educada por millones de padres con conocimientos limitados en los principios de nuestra libertad, sin experiencia de participar en su preservación.

We can have what we all want. But it is up to us.

Podemos tener lo que queremos. Pero es nuestra decisión.

We must have enough hope that if we reach out to take what we want, together, we can.

Debemos tener suficiente esperanza para alcanzar juntos lo que deseamos.

We must have enough suspicion that if decent, sensible Americans reach too slowly, others less wise, less honorable, will grab first, leaving America with what no one wants.

Debemos tener la suficiente suspicacia en que si los estadounidenses decentes y sensibles crecen demasiado lento, otros menos sabios y menos honorables, lo tomarán primero dejando a Estados Unidos con lo que nadie quiere.

We must have clear enough vision to tell which problems actually exist, so that our reach for solutions is not handicapped by myths that send critics barking up imaginary trees.

Debemos tener clara la visión de decir cuáles problemas existen actualmente, para alcanzar soluciones que no sean discapacitadas por mitos.

The political pressure is on. Terrorists threaten. President Bush appears about to begin a serious push for his Guest Worker plan. The theory that he genuinely believes this is the right thing to do is supported by the fact that he takes a lot of political heat for it, for no clear political advantage. Among his strongest opponents is prolife, family values Republican Congressman Steve King from Iowa, who got 35 other congressmen to sign his December 17, 2003 letter opposing Bush's plan.

La presión política está encendida. Los terroristas amenazan. El presidente Bush parece serio en el impulso para el plan del Trabajador Eventual. La teoría en la que él cree genuinamente porque está sostenida por el hecho de que él toma mucho del calor político para su plan y no para tomar una clara ventaja política. Entre sus fuertes oponentes se cuenta los valores familiares del congresista republicano Steve King, de Iowa, quien junto a otros 35 legisladores firmó, el 17 de diciembre del 2003, una carta de oposición al plan Bush.

Bush is fully aware of the opposition, and yet he continues to announce his coming push. At his news conference January 26, 2005, he had this exchange with a reporter:

Bush esta plenamente consciente de la oposición, y continúa anunciando su empuje. En su conferencia del 26 de enero del 2005, el tuvo este intercambio con un reportero:

Question: "Mr. President, the Senate Republicans recently listed their priorities, and immigration reform wasn't on it. Do you think this means it's dead for this year? And why -- "

Pregunta: Señor presidente, los senadores republicanos recientemente listaron sus prioridades, y la reforma de inmigración no estaba en ellas. ¿Piensa que esto signifique que está muerta para este año? ¿Y por qué

Bush: "No, I don't, Bennett."

Bush: No, no lo pienso, Bennett.

Question: " -- are you having so much trouble with your own party on this?"

Pregunta: ¿Tiene muchos problemas con su propio Partido acerca de esto?

Bush: "No, I appreciate that question. It will be one of my priorities. I believe it's necessary to reform the immigration system. I'm against amnesty; I've made that very clear. On the other hand, I do want to recognize a system where a willing worker and a willing employer are able to come together in a way that enables people to find work without jeopardizing a job that an American would otherwise want to do.

Bush: No, y aprecio esta pregunta. Será una de mis prioridades. Creo que es necesario reformar el sistema de inmigración. Estoy en contra de la amnistía; lo he dejado muy claro. Por otro lado, quiero reconocer un sistema en donde el trabajador y el empresario sean capaces de ir juntos en un camino que permita a la gente encontrar trabajo sin arriesgar aquellos que un estadounidense pudiera desear hacer.

"I also happen to believe immigration reform is necessary to help make it easier to protect our borders. The system right now spawns coyotes and smugglers and, you know, people willing to break the law to get people in our country.

"También creo que la reforma es necesaria para facilitar la protección de nuestras fronteras. El sistema en este momento engendra coyotes y contrabandistas y, tú sabes, la gente rompe la ley para traer gente a nuestro país.

"There is a vast network of kind of shadowy traffickers. And I believe by making a -- by advancing a program that -- that enables people to come into our country in a legal way to work for a period of time, for jobs that Americans won't do, will help make it easier for us to secure our borders. And so -- "

"Hay una enorme red de esta clase de oscuros traficantes. Y creo que haciendo ­avanzando a un programa-que permita a la gente venir a nuestro país de forma legal a trabajar por un periodo, para hacer los trabajos que los estadounidenses no quieren hacer, nos ayudará a resguardar nuestras fronteras. Y entonces"

Question: "Why the resistance in your party so much to this?"

Pregunta: ¿Por qué la resistencia de su Partido a esto?

Bush: "Well, I -- you know, I think -- I'm looking forward to discussing it with members of both parties. I believe it's a very important issue that we need to address. After -- you know, I've had a lot of experience with -- dealing with borders, as the governor of Texas. I know there's a compassionate, humane way of -- way to deal with this issue. I want to remind people that family values do not stop at the Rio Grande River. People are coming to our country to do jobs that Americans won't do, to be able to feed their families. And I think there's a humane way to recognize that, at the same time protect our borders and at the same way (sic) to make sure that we don't disadvantage who have stood in line for years to become a legal citizen. And I'm looking forward to working with people of both parties on the issue." (Excerpt from transcript on the New York Times website.)

Bush: Bueno, yo ­sabes, yo pienso-- estoy buscando discutirlo con los miembros de ambos partidos. Creo que es un tema muy importante que necesitamos dirigir. Después ­tú sabes, he tenido mucha experiencia en esto-tratar con las fronteras, como el gobernador de Texas. Sé que hay una compasiva, humana manera de ­manera de tratar con esto. Quiero recordar a la gente que los valores familiares no pueden detenerse en el Río Grande. La gente va a venir a nuestro país a trabajar en lo que los estadounidenses no quieren, y tener la posibilidad de alimentar a sus familias. Y pienso que hay una manera humana de reconocerlo, al mismo tiempo que podemos proteger nuestras fronteras y en la misma manera (sic) de hacer más seguro que no pondremos en desventaja a quienes han esperado por años para convertirse en ciudadanos legalizados. Y estoy buscando trabajar con gente de ambos partidos en esta materia". (Extracto del artículo publicado en la página web del New York Times)

If we do not get involved now, how long will we have to wait for another U.S. President with some heart for Hispanic immigrants, with a vision more creative than building a 50-foot wall from the Pacific to the Gulf of Mexico, who is willing to wrestle the U.S. Congress to the ground over it?

Si no nos involucramos ahora, ¿cuánto tendremos que esperar por otro presidente de Estados Unidos con alguna sensibilidad para los inmigrantes hispanos, con una visión más creativa que construir una pared de 50 pies desde el Pacífico hasta el Golfo de México, y que está luchando para que el Congreso lo acepte?

Frankly, if we don't get involved, the President and the handful of likeminded Congressmen will be limited in what they can accomplish. Their only hope is to educate citizens and inspire them to contact opposing Congressmen.

Francamente, si no nos involucramos, el presidente y los legisladores estarán limitados para que puedan conseguirlo. Su única esperanza es educar a los ciudadanos e inspirarlos para contactar la oposición de los legisladores.

We can help the President jump start this process.

Podemos ayudar al presidente a iniciar este proceso.

Our voices are actually loudest now, if we publicly discuss potential bill details before the President unveils his own specifics.

Nuestras voces son más fuertes ahora, si nosotros discutimos públicamente el potencial del proyecto antes de que el presidente desvele sus propias especificaciones.

If we can suggest solutions neither he nor sympathetic congressmen may have thought of, it will be easier for them to adopt our ideas before they have publicly committed themselves to different ideas. We should therefore not wait until they publicly commit themselves.

Si podemos sugerir soluciones ni él ni los legisladores pueden pensarlo, será mucho más fácil para ellos adoptar nuestras ideas antes que ellos se hayan comprometido con ellos mismos en diferentes ideas. No debemos, por lo tanto, esperar hasta que ellos se comprometan.

We can assure them that there are enough politically aware people, willing to contact their congressmen, (and to vote), to make difficult but crucial details politically viable. They know that details are important. They know the whole purpose of their legislation could fail just because of not being able to educate enough people to get Congress to insert a particular detail. But they also know few news sources will report on many details, no matter how well they explain them. It is up to us, therefore, to educate each other.

Podemos asegurarles que hay suficientes personas políticamente conscientes deseando ponerse en contacto con sus legisladores, (y votar), para formar puntos cruciales que sean viables políticamente. Ellos saben qué puntos son importantes. Saben que el propósito de su legislación podría fallar porque no está siendo posible instruir a mucha gente para que el Congreso inserte un punto en particular. Pero igualmente conocen algunos nuevos recursos que reportarán sobre muchos puntos, no importa qué tan bien los expliquen. Es nuestra decisión, por tanto, educarnos unos a otros.

Next week: Part Two: The Details of the Dream Immigration Bill.

La próxima semana: Parte Dos: Los Puntos del Proyecto Ideal de Inmigración.

Your assignments for next week, while you are waiting for the next issue:

Tus tareas para la próxima semana, mientras esperas el próximo número:

1. Make a list of friends to share the next important issue with, and call this newspaper with the number of extra issues you will need, so the newspaper will know how many extras to print.

1. Elabora una lista de amigos con quienes compartir el próximo número, y llama a este periódico para solicitar el número de ejemplares extras que necesitarás, así sabremos cuántos imprimiremos.

2. Sharpen your pencils, buy a roll of stamps, and a ream of paper, so you will be ready to write to the President and your Congressmen. And also so you can write to this newspaper with your ideas, that we may learn from each other and refine our vision.

2. Sácale punta a tus lápices, compra estampillas, y una resma de papel, así estarás listo para escribirle al presidente y a tu congresista. Y también puedes escribir a este periódico y exponer tus ideas, para aprender de otros y refinar nuestra visión.

Part Two of a 4-part series: The Details of the Dream Immigration Bill.

Parte Dos de un serie de 4: Los Puntos del Proyecto Ideal de Inmigración.

Are you ready to write your Congressmen? Are you ready to write the President? Are you ready to write to this newspaper, and to discuss with friends, how the United States can solve its borders chaos? Our goal is a bill that will give immigrants a chance and yet satisfy immigrants' worst critics.

¿Estás listo para escribirles a tus congresistas? ¿Estás listo para escribirle al presidente? ¿Estás listo para escribirle a este periódico y discutir con tus amigos, cómo Estados Unidos puede resolver el caos de sus fronteras? Nuestra meta es un proyecto que les dará a los inmigrantes una oportunidad y satisfacer las peores críticas inmigrantes.

The Dream Bill. A perfect immigration law can be constructed out of details already written in bills from the 2003-2004 Congress, but assembled in this order: (This is actually a brief overview of the most important details; a more thorough discussion of details of bills from the 2003-2004 session is found at www.Saltshaker.US/HispanicHope/Recipe.htm.)

El Proyecto Ideal. Una ley ideal de inmigración puede ser construido lejos de puntos que ya han sido escritos en proyectos pasados, pero reunidos en este orden: (Este es un resumen de los puntos más importantes; una discusión más minuciosa se encuentra en www.Saltshaker.US/HispanicHope/Recipe.htm)

Point System. From S1387: a "point system" for LPR applications. (LPR stands for Legal Permanent Residency, popularly called "the green card", which permits an immigrant to legally work.) The Point System would put applicants at the head of the LPR line who:

Sistema Eje. De S1387. Un "sistema eje" para las aplicaciones LPR. (LPR son las siglas para Residencia Legal Permanente, popularmente llamada "la tarjeta verde", la cual permite a un inmigrante trabajar de forma legal) El Sistema Eje daría preferencia para obtener la residencia a quienes:

* earn a solid work history, as measured by promotions and pay raises

* Ganen una sólida historia laboral como medida para promociones y aumentos de sueldo.

* master English

* Dominio del inglés.

* stay out of jail

* No ir a la cárcel por ninguna infracción ni delito.

* stay off welfare (this was not a requirement of S1387, but it was of S1645)

* Permanecer fuera de subsidio (esto no fue un requerimiento de la S1387, pero sí de la S1645).

* become educated

* Convertirse en instruido.

The "obey the law" requirement should be clarified to include compliance with USCIS law, weighted so that for as long as violations of the new law continue, LPR will not be available, and points will continue being subtracted; while violations of the old law will cost only enough points to neutralize the advantage in points, which current illegals will have over applicants from abroad, because of the time they have had here to master English.

El "cumplimiento de la ley" debe ser clarificado para incluir el cumplimiento de la ley de la USCIS, hasta que las violaciones a la nueva ley continúen, la LPR no estará disponible, y los puntos continuarán siendo sustraídos; mientras las violaciones a la vieja ley costarán solamente los puntos suficientes para neutralizar la ventaja en puntos, a los cuales los ilegales tendrán sobre los solicitantes desde el extranjero por el tiempo que han tenido para perfeccionar el inglés.

The education requirement is the key to turning our large population of disenfranchised human beings into an economic asset for our nation, according to the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) report "The High Cost of Cheap Labor", released August 25,2004. The study finds that undocumented immigrants receive about half as much welfare as citizens -- contrary to popular perceptions; that what they use is almost all for their children who are citizens; and that about 55% of them pay taxes. But the taxes they pay is less than the welfare they receive for their citizen children, because their low education (65% do not have high school diplomas) keeps them in low paying jobs. Merely making them legal will increase their tax payments by 77%, but that will not be enough, because they will qualify for much more welfare than that, again because their low education keeps them in need. (More details in Part Three.)

La educación es la clave para darle un giro a nuestra gran población de seres humanos sin derechos dentro de las finanzas de nuestra nación, de acuerdo al Centro de Estudios Migratorios en su informe intitulado "El Alto Costo de un Trabajo Barato", publicado el 25 de agosto del 2004. El estudio encuentra que los inmigrantes indocumentados reciben la mitad del salario que perciben los ciudadanos--contrario a las creencias populares; que ellos lo utilizan casi por completo para sus hijos que son ciudadanos; y que cerca del 55% de ellos pagan impuestos. Sin embargo, los impuestos que pagan son menores que el salario que reciben para sus hijos nacionalizados porque su baja educación (65% no tiene certificados de preparatoria) los sujetan en trabajos de bajos sueldos. El simple hecho de legalizarlos incrementará sus impuestos en un 77%, pero no será suficiente porque no calificarán para trabajos de mayor paga precisamente porque no tienen los estudios necesarios. (Más detalles en la Parte 3).

However, if the Point System makes education a condition of LPR, they will get educated! But our education goals need to go beyond making them rich. As they move towards political enfranchisement, we need them to understand what makes our country work.

De cualquier forma, si el Sistema de Origen hace de la educación una condición para obtener la Residencia Legal, ¡ellos buscarán su superación personal! Pero las metas de nuestra educación necesitan ir más allá de hacerlos ricos. De la misma manera en que ellos buscan los derechos de la ciudadanía, nosotros necesitamos que ellos entiendan cómo funciona nuestro país.

The education requirement should be clarified to incorporate President Bush's vision of making understanding, of the principles of American freedom and prosperity, a condition of citizenship: "We must ensure that new citizens know not only the facts of our history, but the ideals that have shaped our history. Every citizen of America has an obligation to learn the values that make us one nation: liberty and civic responsibility, equality under God, and tolerance for others."

El requisito de ecuación debe ser aclarado para incorporar la visión del presidente Bush de hacer comprensibles los principios de libertad y prosperidad americana como una condición de ciudadanía: "Debemos asegurar que los nuevos ciudadanos sepan que no solamente los hechos de nuestra historia, sino los ideales, la han formado. Cada ciudadano de América tiene la obligación de aprender los valores que nos hacen una nación: libertad y responsabilidad cívica, igualdad bajo Dios, y tolerancia para otros".

What does keep us free and prosperous? "Equality under God", Bush says. Our form of government, in three words. Equality of opportunity for all, because the New Testament commands us to love our neighbors as ourselves, and even the Old Testament tells us to apply the same law to the "stranger" (foreigner) as to citizens, remembering that "ye were strangers in the land of Egypt"; or, we might say today, "you would be the children of illegal aliens yourselves, had your fathers, when they came to America, been forced to climb over the quotas you impose on your Southern neighbors today." Minnesota Congressman Mark Kennedy's website has an article that says it this way: "Like it or not, Americans will have to live with the fact that while these newcomers are here illegally, they're not going to be deported. They are not fearsome aliens, just the latest iteration in an ongoing immigration drama in which, not too long ago, our parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents were the protagonists."

¿Qué hace que nos mantengamos libres y prósperos? "Igualdad ante Dios", dice Bush. Nuestra forma de gobierno, en tres palabras. Igualdad de oportunidad para todos porque el Nuevo Testamento nos ordena amar a nuestros vecinos como a nosotros mismos, e incluso el Antiguo Testamento nos dice que debemos aplicar la misma ley al "extraño" (extranjero) como a los ciudadanos, recordando que "fuimos extranjeros en la tierra de Egipto"; o debemos decir ahora, "ustedes podrían ser los hijos de ilegales que cuando vinieron a América, fueron forzados a cubrir las cuotas que ustedes impusieron sobre sus vecinos del Sur en estos días". El senador de Minnesota, Mark Kennedy, en su página web, tiene un artículo que dice: "Guste o no, los americanos tendrá que vivir con el hecho de que mientras estos recién llegados estén aquí ilegalmente, ellos no serán deportados. No son extranjeros que den miedo, solo el recuerdo del drama inmigrante en el que, no hace mucho, nuestros padres, abuelos, y bisabuelos fueron los protagonistas".

As President Bush pointed out in his January 26, 2005 press conference, when asked about the quality of Democracy we should expect in Arab countries compared with our own, democracy is a work in progress. We say that all men are created equal, but even our own country didn't do that for a century. He referred of course to the blacks we enslaved until 1864. He could have mentioned the 50 million unborn babies we have recently slain by abortion, or the millions of "illegal" Hispanics whose "crime" is trying to do an honest day's work. But we are humans. Give us time, and help.

Como el presidente Bush señaló en su conferencia de prensa del 26 de enero del 2005, cuando preguntó acerca de la calidad de la democracia que debemos esperar en los países árabes comparados con el nuestro, que la democracia es un trabajo en progreso. Decimos que todos esos hombres son creados igual que nosotros, pero ni siquiera nuestro país lo hico hace un siglo. El se refirió por supuesto a la gente de color que esclavizamos hasta 1864. El pudo haber mencionado que los 50 millones de bebés no nacidos que nosotros hemos asesinado recientemente por el aborto, or los millones de hispanos "ilegales" cuyo "crimen" es tratar de tener un día de trabajo honesto. Pero somos humanos. Démonos tiempo y ayuda.

It is not Americans who deserve the honor for being the freest, most prosperous nation in the world today. It is God, for giving us principles which are so beneficial that we have reached this happy condition even though we only partly obey them.

No son los americanos los que merecen el honor de pertenecer a la nación más próspera y libre en el mundo actual. Es Dios por darnos los principios que son tan benéficos que hemos alcanzado esta condición de felicidad, incluso aunque solamente obedecemos una parte de ellos.

We are free because our Constitution protects "equality under God". We are prosperous because the principle of "love your neighbor as yourself", even when it is costly, infuses our very economy.

Somos libres porque nuestra Constitución protege la "igualdad ante Dios". Somos prósperos porque el principio de "amar a tu prójimo como a ti mismo", incluso cuando éste es caro, infunde nuestra economía.

Americans admire businessmen who are more helpful than the love of money can account for, even after "service" becomes costly. Ruthlessness must hide, in America, or draw public contempt. Service is what oils the wheels of commerce. People want to buy where they are served.

Los americanos admiran a los empresarios que son más útiles que el amor al dinero que pueden acumular, incluso después de que el "servicio" se vuelve caro. La falta de compasión debe esconderse en América o detener el desprecio público. El servicio es lo que aceita las ruedas del comercio. La gente quiere comprar donde ellos sean servidos.

Service if one of the pillars of our politics, as well as our prosperity. We even call our leaders "public servants". We remove those who serve us poorly, when enough of us find out. It has not always been so, in other times and places. These expectations draw out better character in our leaders, which keeps us free. (See "American Individualism" by President Herbert Hoover.)

El servicio, si bien es uno los pilares de nuestra política, también lo es de nuestra prosperidad. Les llamamos a nuestros líderes "servidores públicos". Quitamos a esos que nos sirven pobremente cuando no estamos satisfechos con lo que encontramos. No ha sido siempre así en otras épocas y lugares. Estas expectativas de mejorar la personalidad de nuestros líderes son las que nos mantienen libres. (Ver "Individualismo Americano", del presidente Herbert Hoover)

Because not everyone understands the connection between our form of government, and our freedom and prosperity, it should be no surprise that an ignorant few imagine we are just lucky, or our land has more resources or something, so it would be only fair if Mexico could take all that wealth back. It should be no wonder that occasional voices within the Mexican government are tempted to encourage such ignorance, in order to turn Mexican scrutiny away from their own corrupt bureaucracy which has created the poverty from which their own citizens flee!

Porque no todos entienden la conexión entre nuestra forma de gobierno y nuestra libertad y prosperidad, no debería sorprender que unos pocos ignorantes imaginen que somos solamente afortunados, o que nuestra tierra tiene más recursos, entonces sería solamente justo si México pudiera tomar toda esa abundancia de regreso. No debiera sorprender que opiniones ocasionales dentro del gobierno mexicano sean tentadas para animar tal ignorancia, en orden de darle vuelta al escrutinio mexicano de que su propia burocracia corrupta es la que ha creado la pobreza de la que sus propios ciudadanos escapan.

But most Hispanics, despite the featuring, on every anti-immigrant video, of the movement to have Mexico annex the American Southwest, understand that would only make the Southwest as poor and corrupt as Mexico. Where people understand the connection between our form of government, and our freedom and prosperity, people understand that no government can rule a service-oriented, informed population; but rather such a population will rule its government.

Pero la mayoría de los hispanos, a pesar de esto, en cada video anti-inmigrante, del movimiento de tener a México anexado al Suroeste americano, entienden que esa porción de tierra sería tan pobre y tan corrupta como México. Donde la gente entiende la conexión entre nuestra forma de gobierno, y nuestra libertad y prosperidad, la gente sabe que el gobierno no puede normar un servicio orientado a informar a la población, sino que prefiere una población que norme a su gobierno.

Ignorance, such as that bred by shoving 10 million undocumented immigrants into the shadows away from American life, prosperity and politics, invites confrontation between America and militant Hispanics who do not understand the prosperity they want to seize. But not just the ignorance of militant Hispanics. The American Character is not modeled well by those who really think an honest day's work ought ever be considered, in America, "illegal".

La ignorancia, tal como esa cultivada para empujar a 10 millones de inmigrantes indocumentados en las sombras lejos de la vida americana, la prosperidad y la política, invita a una confrontación entre América y los militantes hispanos que no entienden que prosperidad que ellos quieren agarrar. Pero no sólo es la ignorancia de los militantes hispanos. La personalidad americana no es modelada bien por aquellos que realmente piensan que un día de trabajo honesto deba ser considerado, en América, como "ilegal".

Hispanic workers are no threat to America, but ignorance is. Ignorance is nurtured by the status quo, which critics of reform perpetuate. Much criticism of reform assumes any reform will only bring more Hispanics here who don't know English, and who don't understand the connection between our form of government, and the freedom and prosperity which has drawn them away from their home countries. We have the opportunity for an immigration policy which will create strong incentives to understand the pillars of our freedom and prosperity.

Los trabajadores hispanos no son una amenaza para América, pero sí la ignorancia. La ignorancia es nutrida por el status quo, que es la crítica de la reforma perpetua. Muchas de las críticas de la reforma suponen que cualquier reforma únicamente traerá más hispanos a Estados Unidos, hispanos que no saben inglés y que no entienden la conexión entre nuestra forma de gobierno, y la libertad y prosperidad que han sido arrancadas de sus patrias. Tenemos la oportunidad de que una política de inmigración cree fuertes incentivos para entender los pilares de nuestra libertad y prosperidad.

The movement to have Mexico annex the American Southwest, featured in every anti-immigration video, is about as serious as the "movement" in Texas to secede from the United States and make Texas an independent Republic again! Most Hispanics aren't ignorant enough to imagine they would be better off with Mexico City in charge of California. "They know that if that happened, they would just have to move from California into Montana", said Des Moines immigration attorney Michael Said. "The reality is the opposite. Most Hispanics would like to have the United States annex Mexico!"

El movimiento que pretende que México se anexe el suroeste americano es tan serio como el "movimiento" en Texas de separarse de Estados Unidos y ser una república independiente otra vez. La mayoría de los hispanos no ignoran que ellos estarían mejor con la ciudad de México a cargo de California. "Ellos saben que si eso ocurriera, sólo tendría que moverse de California a Montana", dijo el abogado especialista en inmigración Michael Said. "La realidad es lo opuesto. A la mayoría de los hispanos les gustaría que Estados Unidos se anexara México".

Quotas set by how many qualify, not an arbitrary number. From S1645: the lifting of quotas so that every applicant for LPR (Legal Permanent Residency) who meets the high qualifications, will receive LPR. This would turn Temporary Resident Status into a probation period for citizenship. To the extent the program is fair, trustworthy, and objective (so that applicants know how many points they need, how to earn them, and how to measure their progress), current unauthorized workers ("illegal aliens") would come out of the woodwork to voluntarily register with the INS, and illegal border crossings would stop. Why? Because immigrants would rather work legally, than in fear.

Las cuotas por cuántos califican y no un número arbitrario. De S1645: el alza de cuotas que cada solicitante para la Residencia Legal Permanente que conozca las altas calificaciones, recibirá LPR. Esto podría convertir al Estado de Residente Temporal en un periodo de prueba para la ciudadanía. Para alcanzar el programa es justo porque de esta manera los solicitantes saben cuánto puntos necesitan, cuántos ganar, y cómo medir su progreso, así los actuales trabajadores no autorizados ("ilegales") podrían registrarse voluntariamente con la INS, y el cruce ilegal de la frontera se detendría. ¿Por qué? Porque los inmigrantes preferirían trabajar legalmente que con miedo.

A shopkeeper in Reynoso who worked illegally in Chicago for several years said the worst part of it was that she was afraid to complain to her boss about a matter which was very oppressive, but which might have been corrected by just talking about it. Not knowing how the boss would react, she feared both being reported to the INS by that boss, and not being able to find other work if she were fired.

Una tendera en Reynosa, que trabajó ilegalmente en Chicago por muchos años dijo que la peor parte de esto fue que ella tuvo miedo de quejarse con su jefe sobre algo que era muy agobiante, pero que debía ser corregido hablando de esto. No sabía cómo iba a reaccionar su jefe, y ella temió que fuera reportada a la INS por su jefe y que no pudiera encontrar otro trabajo, si era despedida.

Probationary Legal Work Period. From HR2899: a legal work period of 3 years, renewable for a second 3 years, (without the requirement of having to return to the home country in between), which is available not just for agricultural workers but for all workers. The breaking up of the period into 12 month periods which must be renewed, as S1387 requires, would serve the purpose of more frequent voluntary reports of workers to the INS. But two three-year renewable periods, if linked to the point system, would pressure workers to make progress during their first three years or face non-renewal. Six years would be a reasonable time to expect progress by the point criteria.

Periodo probatorio de trabajo legal. De HR2899: un permiso de trabajo legal de 3 años, renovable por una extensión de 3 años más, (sin el requisito de tener que regresar al país de origen), el cual está disponible no sólo para los agricultores, sino para todos los trabajadores. La ruptura del periodo en 12 meses debe ser renovado, como la forma S1387 solicita, serviría para el propósito de reportes de trabajadores a la INS con mayor frecuencia. Pero dos periodos renovables de tres años, si se ligaran al sistema, presionarían a los trabajadores a progresar durante sus primeros tres años o enfrentar que no podrán tener un nuevo permiso. Seis años podrían ser un tiempo razonable para esperar una mejora en ellos.

Enforcement. From S1387, an enforcement scheme that relies on strong positive incentives for both employers and employees to cooperate with each other and to report voluntarily to the INS. It does not rely on INS armies of bookkeepers poring over employers' records and imposing draconian fines for technical errors in filling out forms, as HR2899 provides, or lawsuits against employers, as S1645 would encourage.

Sanción. De acuerdo a la forma S1387, un esquema de sanción que confía en incentivos positivos fuertes tanto para los empresarios como para los empleados es cooperar el uno con el otro y reportar, voluntariamente, a la INS. Si ésta no confía en los cientos de libros que hay sobre los records de los empresarios e imponer multas draconianas por errores técnicos al llenar las formas, como la HR2899 dice, o leyes contra ellos, como la S1645 fomentaría.

A Simpler Bill. Actually there are some details Congress is sure to adopt whose only real purpose is to assure citizens that imaginary problems are taken care of.

Una factura sencilla. Actualmente hay algunos detalles que el Congreso está seguro de adoptar para aquellos que cuyo propósito real es asegurar a los ciudadanos que los problemas imaginarios son remediados.

For example, as Part Three of this series will make clear, it is not necessary to keep immigrants out of the country until a job opens up which citizens do not want, because every immigrant who comes here to work, also becomes a consumer of services purchased from citizens, which creates as many new jobs for citizens as there are new workers from the South.

Por ejemplo, como la Parte Tres de esta serie dejará en claro, no es necesario mantener a los inmigrantes fuera del país hasta que el trabajo ofrecido no lo quieren los ciudadanos porque cada inmigrante que viene a trabajar aquí, también se convierte en consumidor de servicios ofrecidos por los ciudadanos, lo cual crea tantos trabajos para los ciudadanos como trabajadores nuevos vienes del Sur.

There are other details Congress may adopt which are not necessary for the U.S. job market, but which may produce positive benefits which will soften criticism of reform.

Existen otros detalles que el Congreso puede adoptar y que no son necesariamente para el mercado laboral de Estados Unidos, pero que pueden producir importantes beneficios que suavicen la oposición a la reforma.

For example, the Point System is an extra requirement not demanded of other immigrants. But since it would help turn Hispanic immigrants into the best quality citizens America could hope for, it would help soften criticism of reform. And since it is what most immigrants would want anyway, to enable them to participate in our government when they finally become citizens, we may as well propose it.

Por ejemplo, el Eje del Sistema es un requerimiento extra no demandado para otros inmigrantes. Pero si ayudara a que los inmigrantes hispanos tuvieran las mejores cualidades de los ciudadanos que se espera, podría ayudar a suavizar la crítica a la reforma. Y es que la mayoría de los inmigrantes desearía poder participar en nuestro gobierno cuando finalmente se conviertan en ciudadanos.

A simple, no-frills immigration plan which would accomplish just as much for America's job market is proposed by Des Moines immigration attorney Michael Said.

Un plan de inmigración que podría conseguir tanto para el mercado laboral de América es propuesto por el abogado en materia de inmigración, Michael Said, de Des Moines.

1. Anyone (not wanted by law enforcement) can get an annual work permit for $1,000. This allows anyone to legally work, and get a special Social Security number which would not make anyone eligible for welfare. This should make the U.S. Treasury happy! An extra $8 billion for the U.S. Treasury, if the estimate of 8 million illegals is correct, not counting new immigrants who would come! They could get a drivers' license, and insurance (which unauthorized workers cannot now legally purchase!) to protect citizens whom they run into. Free from the shadows, Hispanics could openly help each other, so they would not need handouts. Suddenly the USCIS would have everybody registered, without hardly any investment of staff time, and $8 billion per year richer! The USCIS would have plenty of time to go after the handful who remain unregistered, who will more likely be the real criminals and terrorists.

1. Nadie (por obligación de ley) puede tener un permiso anual de trabajo por 1000 dólares. Esto permite que nadie trabaje legalmente y tenga un número especial de Seguro Social que podría no hacerlos elegibles para subsidio. Esto debe hacer feliz al Tesoro de Estados Unidos feliz. Una entrada extra de 8 billones de dólares para el Tesoro Americano, si el estimado de 8 millones de ilegales es correcto, sin contar a los nuevos inmigrantes que vendrían. Ellos podrían tener licencias de manejo, y asegurar (lo que nos trabajadores no autorizados no pueden adquirir legalmente) la protección de los ciudadanos. Libres de dudas, los hispanos podrían ayudarse entre ellos mismos. De pronto la USCIS tendría a todos registrados, sin ninguna ardua inversión de tiempo, y 8 billones por año. La USCIS tendría todo el tiempo para ir tras lo que permanecen sin registro y que serán más factibles de ser criminales y terroristas.

2. The permit would be renewable every year. It would be available to as many as want it, renewable as often as workers want to renew it.

2. El permiso sería renovable cada año. Estaría disponible tanto como se quiera y renovable tan a menudo como los trabajadores lo deseen.

3. Workers would have to prove only that they pay their taxes, including social security taxes, that they have not committed a crime or relied on welfare, and that the address they report is correct. How could even the most cold hearted anti-immigrant complain? Millions of workers willing to pay into the U.S. treasury and never take anything out! Willing to benefit the U.S. economy more than any citizen is willing to do! Willing not only to pay the taxes every citizen does, but another $1,000 per year besides! Willing, by the way, to fix our Social Security problem for us, created by our abortions of 50 million workers, which are leaving the generation responsible for them, without enough workers to support them in their old age.

3. Los trabajadores tendrían que probar que ellos pagan sus impuestos, incluyendo los de la seguridad social, y que no han cometido un delito o recurrido a subsidio, y que la dirección que ellos reportan es correcta. ¿De qué manera podría, incluso la más fría ley anti-inmigrante, quejarse? Millones de trabajadores estarán dispuestos a pagar al tesoro de los Estados Unidos y nunca llevarse nada. Dispuestos a beneficiar a la economía estadounidense más que ningún otro ciudadano está dispuesto a hacer. Dispuestos no solamente a pagar los impuestos como cada ciudadano lo hace, sino dar otros mil dólares por año. Dispuestos a arreglar nuestro Seguro Social y los problemas para nosotros creados por los abortos de 50 millones de trabajadores nuestros, y que están haciendo a la generación responsable por ellos, sin suficientes personas que los apoyen en su ancianidad.

4. Stay clean for 10 years, and the worker receives LPR (Legal Permanent Residency, or The Green Card).

4. Permanecer limpios por 10 años, y el trabajador recibe la Residencia Permanente o la Tarjeta Verde.

How much simpler could it be? How little USCIS bureaucracy would be needed to monitor those who register! Who would still try to cross the borders illegally, except for the real criminals, if immigrants could legally work?

¿Qué tan sencillo podría ser? ¿Qué tan poca burocracia de la USCIS sería requerida para controlar estos registros? ¿Quién podría seguir intentando cruzar las fronteras ilegalmente, excepto los criminales, si los inmigrantes podrían trabajar legalmente?

Said's plan does not incorporate details which U.S. Congressmen have considered important enough to incorporate in their bills, but it would do what Congressmen want done, and much more simply.

El plan de Said no incorpora detalles que los congresistas han considerado tan importantes para incluirlos en sus facturas, pero haría que los congresistas quisieran hacerlo, y más simplemente.

However, the Point System is important for this reason: we are talking about something radical by today's thinking, reversing a policy in place for decades, and returning to the open borders prior to 1875: we are talking about lifting quotas. That may bring a considerable increase in our population, and not just from Mexico.

El Sistema de Origen es importante por esta razón: estamos hablando de algo radical en el pensamiento actual, cambiar completamente una política que ha existido por décadas, y volver a abrir las fronteras desde 1875: hablamos de cobrar cuotas. Esto puede traer un considerable aumento de nuestra población, y no sólo desde México.

(Actually, the lifting of quotas may not cause a dramatic increase in our permanent population. Immigration attorney Michael Said, from Des Moines, believes a majority of illegals do not want to settle here, or even bring their families here. Their goal is to save $10,000, go back home, and buy a big ranch. If they leave their families back home while they work here, they could save much faster. But they have to bring their families with them because of the danger of crossing the border. (They might not be able to get back to their jobs; or worse, they might die.) Those who do cross the border to visit their families cannot do it often enough to really nurture their families. If they could freely cross the border to visit their families, many of them would not bring their families here to live.)

(Actualmente, el cobro de cuotas no puede causar un dramático incremento en nuestra población permanente. El abogado especialista en materia migratoria, Michael Said, de Des Moines, cree que una mayoría de ilegales no quieren establecerse aquí, o incluso traer a sus familias. Su meta es ahorrar 10 mil dólares, regresar a casa, y comprar un gran rancho. Si ellos dejan a sus familias mientras ellos trabajan aquí, podrían ahorrar mucho más rápido. Sin embargo, no traen a sus familias consigo porque cruzar la frontera es peligroso. (Ellos no pueden regresar a sus trabajos o, pero aún, pueden morir). Aquellos que cruzan la frontera para visitar a sus familiares no pueden realmente estar con sus familias. Si ellos pudieran cruzar libremente para visitarlas, muchos de ellos no podrían traer a sus familias a vivir aquí).

If we choose the open borders path, we really shouldn't stop with just giving people LPR after 10 years. LPR needs to become a fast track, not the decades-long project it is now, to citizenship. What America does not need is a population whose majority cannot participate in its government, like the Roman empire used to be, with only a tiny fraction citizens with full legal rights. That is a recipe for discontent and rebellion. We need everybody who is here for very long, and who understands our government and its principles, and who can communicate fluently in the language of our land, to have the full rights of citizenship.

Si elegimos abrir las fronteras, realmente no deberíamos conformarnos con darle a la gente la Residencia Legal luego de 10 años. La Residencia Legal necesita convertirse en un proyecto inmediato, no en uno que lleve años como actualmente para conseguir la ciudadanía. Lo que América no necesita es una población cuya mayoría no pueda participar en su gobierno, como el imperio Romano solía hacerlo, en donde solamente una pequeña fracción de ciudadanos gozan de todos sus derechos. Esto, sin duda, es una receta para el descontento y la rebelión. Necesitamos que cada uno que esté aquí por mucho tiempo, y que entienda a nuestro gobierno y sus principios, que pueda comunicarse con fluidez en la lengua de nuestra patria, tenga los derechos que tiene cualquier ciudadano estadounidense.

Without the point system, and with citizenship decades if not generations away, what incentive do immigrants have to understand our government and speak our language? Not much. If an immigrant knows he may live here 50 years and never qualify for the right to vote, of what use to him is understanding our form of government? It is important to the security of America that he learns, however; otherwise he may be tempted to reason that if Mexico annexed the Southwest, at least he could vote. What incentive do we offer him to learn, however? Indeed, we even shut him, if he is "illegal", out of our schools, past high school! If he can find an Hispanic community to do his business with and work for, of what use to him is fluency in English?

Sin este sistema y con la ciudadanía que si no lleva décadas, sí generaciones, ¿qué incentivo tienen los inmigrantes para entender a nuestro gobierno y hablar nuestro idioma? Ninguno. Si un inmigrante sabe que puede vivir aquí 50 años y que nunca alcanzará el derecho al voto, ¿de qué manera puede él entender la forma de nuestro gobierno? Es importante para la seguridad de América que él aprenda, de otra forma el puede ser tentado a pensar que si México se anexara al Suroeste, al menos el podría votar. ¿Qué incentivo le ofrecemos para que aprenda? De hecho, lo corremos, si es "illegal", de nuestras escuelas. Si el puede encontrar una comunidad Hispana para hacer negocios y trabajar ahí, ¿de qué manera puede alcanzar la fluidez de la lengua extranjera?

America doesn't need that. Immigrants don't need that. Immigrants don't want that, and Americans shouldn't. The Point System is an opportunity to jump start fluency in English, (not just among Hispanics but all immigrants), and to nip any "annexation" revolution in the bud. (Which may not be a serious movement anyway, but tell that to the producers of anti-immigrant videos.) The fast track to citizenship, for legal permanent residents, should be our next project, for the security and stability of America through the peace of its residents.

América no necesita eso. Los inmigrantes tampoco lo necesitan. Los inmigrantes no lo quieren, y los estadounidenses no debieran quererlo. El Sistema Original es una oportunidad para saltar hacia el dominio del idioma ingles, (no solo entre los hispanos, sino en todos los inmigrantes), y no pensar en ninguna revolución para anexar nada. (Lo cual no puede ser un movimiento serio de cualquier forma, según lo que dicen los productores de videos anti-inmigrantes). La inmediatez para obtener la ciudadanía, para residentes permanents, debiera ser nuestro próximo proyecto para la seguridad y la estabilidad de América a través de la paz entre sus residentes.

Perhaps there are other solutions just as effective, and just as simple. If you can think of any, now is the time to share them. Persuade your friends, yes, but if you stop there we have lost. Write to your congressmen, to the President, and to this newspaper. When lawmakers write back to you, report what they say to this newspaper so we may know how they think, which will help us know what to say to them next.

Tal vez hay otras soluciones tan efectivas y tan simples. Si puedes pensar en alguna, ahora es el momento de compartirlas. Persuade a tus amigos, sí, pero si te detienes ahí, perdemos. Escribe a tu congresista, al Presidente, y a este periódico. Cuando los legisladores te respondan, informa lo que ellos te dicen a este periódico, así podremos saber cómo piensan, lo que nos ayudará a conocer qué decirles a continuación.

If you don't think you can write a good letter, find a friend whose letter you agree with, and add your name to it, stating that you agree with it too. Create organizations, and work with existing ones, to work together in communicating with lawmakers.

Si no piensas que puedes escribir una buena carta, encuentra a un amigo con cuya carta estés de acuerdo, y agrega tu nombre declarando que estás de acuerdo también. Crea organizaciones, y trabaja con las que ya están establecidas, y trabajen juntos en estar comunicados con los legisladores.

If you are still working on your letter a week from now, Part 3 of this series may help you find the words to dispel the myths that confuse some lawmakers. Part 3 refutes the myth that unauthorized workers receive welfare, that they take jobs from citizens, that when they work for low wages it drives citizens' wages down, or that fixing our broken immigration laws would undermine the "rule of law". A week later, Part 4 will deal with the myths that increased immigration would make our land too crowded, and would increase the risk to national security.

Si estás todavía trabajando en tu carta de una semana para acá, la Parte 3 de esta serie puede ayudarte a encontrar las palabras para disipar los mitos que confunden a algunos legisladores. La Parte 3 refuta el mito de que los trabajadores no autorizados reciben subsidio, que ellos toman los trabajos para los ciudadanos, que cuando trabajan por sueldos bajos esto conduce a la baja de salarios de los ciudadanos, o que arreglar nuestras rotas leyes de inmigración podría socavar la "norma de la ley". Una semana después, la Parte 4 tratará los mitos que dicen que el incremento de inmigrantes podría sobrepoblar nuestra tierra, y podría aumentar el riesgo de nuestra seguridad nacional.

Meanwhile, here are a few addresses to get you started.

Mientras tanto, aquí hay algunas direcciones con las que puedes empezar.

One of President Bush's strongest opponents is Congressman Steve King of Iowa. He got 35 other Congressmen to sign his December 17, 2003 public letter of opposition to Bush's plan, which is on his website (www.house.gov/steveking/; click on "newsroom"). On January 5, 2005 he added to the home page of his website "All sovereign nations...must control their borders...Our first defense against terrorism is border security...The Open Borders lobby has kept this nation at risk."

Uno de los más fuertes oponentes del Presidente Bush es el congresista Steve King, de Iowa. Consiguió a 35 congresistas para que firmaran su carta pública, del 17 de diciembre del 2003. En esta carta se opone al plan Bush, y se encuentra en su página web (www.house.gov/steveking/; clic en "sala de prensa"). El 5 de enero del 2005, agregó a su página "Todas las naciones soberanasdeben controlar sus fronterasNuestra primera defensa contra el terrorismo es la seguridad fronterizaLas Fronteras Abiertas han mantenido a la nación en riesgo".

But King is an honest man of conscience and compassion, whose 2003 letter is muddled with several misstatements of the facts. Perhaps he will respond to your letters or phone calls if you can speak with authority about the facts of immigration, because you are closer to the facts than he is. His address: Office of Congressman Steve King, 1432 Longworth Office Building, Washington D.C. 20515. His phone number is (202) 225-4426. His fax number is (202) 225-3193.

Sin embargo, King es un hombre honesto, compasivo y consciente, cuya carta del 2003 está hecha un lío con muchas declaraciones perdidas de los hechos. Tal vez responderá a tus cartas o a tus llamadas telefónicas, si puedes hablar con autoridad sobre inmigración, porque estás más cerca de los hechos que él. Su dirección: Oficina del Congresista Steve King, 1432 Longworth, Office Building, Washington, D.C. 20515. Su teléfono es (202) 225-4426. Su fax es (202) 225-3193.

Write to President George Bush at Honorable President George Bush, Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, DC 20502. Or you can email a short message through his website at www.whitehouse.gov.

Escribe al Presidente George Bush: Honorable President George Bush, Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D.C. 205202. O puedes enviarle un correo electrónico breve en su sitio de Internet:

To get the name and address of your own U.S. Representative and U.S. Senator, you can call your County Auditor or County Election Office. Online, you can find your U.S. Representative at www.house.gov/writerep/. You can find your Senator at www.senate.gov, and click on "choose your state".

Para obtener el nombre y la dirección de su Representante y Senador, puedes llamar a tu Condado o a la Oficina de Elecciones de tu condado. Puedes encontrar a tu Representante en . Y a tu Senador en , y haz clic en "selecciona tu estado".

Next Issue: Myths: "Illegal Aliens just want to come up here to get on welfare" <> "Illegals compete with citizens for jobs, driving down wages" <> "Immigration reform will undermine the Rule of Law" <> "Bush's Plan is a glorified Amnesty"

Próximo número: Mitos: "Lo que quieren los ilegales es venir aquí y tener un subsidio". "Los ilegales compiten con los ciudadanos americanos por los trabajos y conducen a la baja salarial". "La reforma de inmigración socavará la Norma de la Ley". "El plan Bush es una glorificada Amnistía".

Part Three of a 4-part series: Myths: "Illegal Aliens just want to come up here to get on welfare" <> "Illegals compete with citizens for jobs, driving down wages" <> "Immigration reform will undermine the Rule of Law" <> "Bush's Plan is a glorified Amnesty"

Parte Tres de una serie de 4 partes: Mitos: "Los ilegales vienen aquí para obtener subsidio". "Los ilegales compiten con los ciudadanos por los trabajos y conducen a una baja salarial". "La reforma de inmigración socavará la Norma de la Ley". "El plan Bush es una glorificada Amnistía".

It isn't quite enough to know the truth that these are myths. The damage this ignorance causes won't stop until we can not only think of the right words to refute them, but then take the time to say or write these words to the policymakers who do the damage. To the extent those who care about these things organize, they can report to each other every place, every newspaper, every magazine where these myths are promoted, and get people there to refute them.

No es suficiente saber que la verdad tras esos mitos. El daño que la ignorancia causa no se detendrá hasta que no podamos pensar en las palabras correctas para refutarlos, pero entonces tomemos el tiempo de decir o escribir esas palabras a los políticos que dañan. Para alcanzar a aquellos que se preocupan por estas cosas, ellos pueden informar a cada uno, en cada lugar, en cada periódico y en cada revista en dónde han sido promocionados esos mitos, y platicar con la gente para discutirlos y dispersarlos.

These are the main myths that keep 10 or so million unauthorized workers in the shadows of American life, prosperity, and politics, and my effort to refute them.

Estos son los principales mitos que mantienen a 10 millones de trabajadores no autorizados en las sombras de la vida americana y la prosperidad, así como la política y mi esfuerzo para refutarlos.

The Welfare Myth. No, "illegal aliens" don't receive welfare; that is, unless you either redefine the term "illegal aliens", or the word "welfare".

El Mito del Subsidio. No, los ilegales no reciben subsidio; esto es, a menos que tú redefinas el término "ilegal" o la palabra "subsidio".

Their children, born here, are citizens, so they can apply for food stamps for their citizen children only. They can also apply for AFDC and related programs, for their citizen children. But so far, no one has ever defined "illegal aliens" to mean "citizens". If they apply for anything else using phony ID's, welfare offices know within a month and cut them off, and report them to the police if they get very much. If there are food stamp offices that knowingly give food stamps to unauthorized recipients, they do it in violation of federal law.

Sus hijos, nacidos aquí, son ciudadanos, así que ellos pueden aplicar para conseguir vales de comida solamente para sus hijos ciudadanos. Pero más allá, ninguna ha definido que "ilegales" signifique "ciudadanos". Si ellos aplican por algo más que usar su identificación, las oficinas de beneficencia saben que dentro de un mes los quitarán, e informan a la policía si ellos consiguen mucho.

If you disagree with the Constitutional provision that being born in the United States makes one a U.S. Citizen, you may want to get behind the movement to reinterpret the 14th Amendment, which says "all persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States." It was passed to give full political rights to former slaves. It is being argued that the United States has incomplete jurisdiction over babies whose parents are here temporarily in the shadows of the law. One problem with this argument is that if the U.S. has no jurisdiction over such people, how then, without jurisdiction, can it order their departure? Meanwhile, babies born here are not "illegal aliens" by any definition that honors our Constitution. This is not likely to change without a Constitutional Amendment. If you are going to change the Constitution, you should hurry, because the longer you wait, the more of these citizen children will be old enough to vote, and if you make them mad enough, they might vote against you.

Si difieres con el artículo de la Constitución que dice que toda persona nacida en los Estados Unidos es un ciudadano Americano, puedes querer estar tras el movimiento para reinterpretar la Enmienda 14 que dice: "Todas las personas nacidas o naturalizadas en los Estados Unidos se sujetan a la jurisdicción de ciudadanos de Estados Unidos". Fue sobrepasada para darle a los esclavos la garantía de sus derechos. Está siendo argumentado que los Estados Unidos tienen una jurisdicción incompleta sobre aquellos bebés cuyos padres están aquí temporalmente a la sombra de la ley. Un problema con este argumento es que si Estados Unidos no tiene jurisdicción sobre esas personas, ¿cómo, entonces, sin jurisdicción, puede ordenar su expulsión del país? Mientras tanto, los niños nacidos aquí no son "ilegales" bajo ninguna definición que honre a nuestra Constitución. Esto no es como un cambio sin una Enmienda Constitucional. Si vas a cambiar la Constitución, deberías apurarte porque entre más esperes, más de estos niños ciudadanos llegarán a la edad en que puedan votar, y si nosh aces enojar lo suficiente, ellos pueden votar en tu contra.

If you see unauthorized workers (who have no official legal right to be here such as a green card or work permit) without citizen children, receiving food stamps, AFDC (Aid to Families with Dependant Children), SSI (Supplemental Security Income), Medicaid (medical assistance for the poor administered by states), Title II Social Security (survivors of lawful Social Security recipients), or Unemployment Insurance Benefits, they are most likely "Permanently Residing Under Color of Law" (PRUCOL).

Si ves trabajadores no autorizados (los que no tienen un derecho legal para estar aquí como un permiso laboral o la tarjeta verde) sin hijos ciudadanos, recibiendo vales de comida, ayuda a las familias con niños dependientes, un seguro de ingresos suplementario, asistencia médica estatal, beneficiarios de legítimos cuenta habientes del seguro social, o un seguro de beneficios de desempleo, ellos son muy parecidos al PRUCOL: "Residencia Permanente Bajo el Color de la Ley".

"For an alien to be residing 'under color of law,' the INS must know of the alien's presence, and must provide the alien with written assurance that enforcement of deportation is not planned. Second, the alien must be 'permanently residing' in the U.S." (U.S. Department of Labor, Unemployment insurance Program Letter # 01-86, change 1, issued 2/16/89)

"Para un extranjero que esté residienco 'bajo el color de la ley', el INS debe conocer la presencia del extranjero y debe proveerlo con una garantía por escrito de que su deportación por la fuerza no está planeada. Segundo, el extranjero debe residir permanentemente en Estados Unidos". (Departamento de Trabajo de Estados Unidos, Programa de Garantía de Desempleo, Carta # 01-86, inciso 1, publicado 2/16/89)

One very large group of people ioy n this sad "derationalized zone" or "Twilight Zone" between legality and illegality are those who have filed all the proper USCIS applications for legal status, and paid all the fees, and are waiting, waiting, waiting. The 8/25/04 Center for Immigration Studies report, "The High Cost of Cheap Labor", comments: "Even though the individual is illegally in the country and the application has only a small chance of ever being approved, some are still given work authorization." 15 years is not an unusual wait for the USCIS to act on all its forms. I hope illegals are not being blamed for that, too.

Un grupo muy grande de personas se une a esta triste "Dimensión Desconocida" entre la legalidad y la ilegalidad de aquellos quienes han llenado todas las aplicaciones correspondientes de la USCIS para obtener un estatus legal, y han pagado todas las tarifas, y están esperando, esperando, esperando. El 25 de agosto del 2004, el Centro de Estudios Migratorios dijo, en su reporte "El Alto Costo de un Trabajo Barato", que: "Aunque el individuo esté ilegalmente en el país y la aplicación tenga solamente una pequeña oportunidad de ser aprobada, algunos pueden todavía obtener autorización para trabajar". 15 años no es una usual espera para que la USCIS actúe. Espero que los ilegales no sean culpados por eso también.

President Bush has recently set a goal of a 6-months for an average processing time. So far, it's still an ambitious goal! And yet even if the USCIS can be pushed that fast, that would still mean a few years to get through the several rounds of forms USCIS requires for LPR, and even LPR is years away from citizenship!

El Presidente Bush tiene una meta de 6 meses para una regularización en el tiempo de proceso. ¡Es una meta ambiciosa! Y aún así, si la USCIS puede ser presionada de esa forma, podría significar algunos años más de tandas de formas que la USCIS requiere para la Residencia Legal Permanente, e incluso teniéndola son años para obtener la ciudadanía.

I humbly suggest the USCIS employ human resources specialists, to appease concerns in Congress. They are able to process 3-page job applications, and decide which one out of one hundred applicants to hire, in only a week or two. And they won't let applicants work, while they are deciding whether to let them.

Humildemente sugiero que la USCIS emplee especialistas en recursos humanos para tranquilizar las preocupaciones del Congreso. Están disponibles para procesar solicitudes de trabajo de tres páginas, y decidir cuál solicitante contratar en solamente una semana o dos. No dejarán que los aplicantes trabajen mientras que no decidan si permitírselo o no.

Another group in this category are aliens who have been granted stays of deportation by the courts. Another group is immigrants not being deported for political reasons, such as immigrants from El Salvador and Cuba.

Otro grupo en esta categoría son los extranjeros que han sido deportados por las cortes. Otro gurpo es el de los inmigrantes que no son deportados por razones políticas como los que vienen de El Salvador y de Cuba.

Hospital emergency rooms are the only medical care "illegals" receive from taxpayers without paying for it. Congress appropriates about $250 million to repay hospitals for emergency room care of undocumented immigrants, which is about $25 for each of our estimated 10 million illegals, which is about what is deducted every week or two from an unauthorized worker's paycheck just for social security (FICA) taxes (to pay for benefits he will never receive), not counting deductions for federal and state income taxes. But so far, no one has ever called emergency room care "welfare"

La atención de urgencia médica es la única prestación que los "ilegales" reciben de contribuyentes sin pagar por ella. El costo estimado total es de 2.5 billones de dólares al año, lo que representa cerca de 25 dólares por cada uno de nuestros calculados 10 millones de ilegales, y que es deducido cada semana o dos por el pago del trabajador de los impuestos del seguro social (pagar por los beneficios que nunca recibirá), sin contar las deducciones por los impuestos federal y estatales de ingreso. Pero aún así, nadie ha dicho que una sala de emergencia sea "subsidio".

Hospital emergency rooms are required by law to care for anybody who comes in. But their federal legal obligation ends when the patient is "stabilized", which means able to be transported to another hospital for further treatment. Even if there is no other hospital to which the patient can afford to go, and the patient will quickly die without further treatment, the patient is legally considered "stabilized" and may legally be released; therefore doctors who give further treatment receive no taxpayer compensation.

La atención médica de urgencia es requerida por ley para cualquiera que venga aquí. Sin embargo, su obligación federal termina cuando el paciente es "estabilizado", lo que significa que puede ser transportado a otro hospital para el tratamiento siguiente. Incluso si no hay otro hospital al que el paciente pueda ir, y éste morirá rápidamente sin recibir tratamiento, el paciente es legalmente considerado "estable" y puede ser legalmente dado de alta; por lo tanto los doctores que dan este tratamiento no reciben la compensación de no pagar impuestos.

Medicaid, because it is administered by states, doesn't necessarily define "stabilized" that precisely. Courts have gotten involved in the definition. The North Carolina Court of Appeals ruled that Medicaid should compensate a hospital not only for surgery for cancer of the spine, but for chemotherapy treatments for the next month. The chemotherapy claim had been denied on the ground that the surgery had stabilized the patient, but the court said the patient's health could have seriously deteriorated without the chemotherapy. (www.aoc.state.nc.us/www/public/coa/opinions/2004/020557-1.htm) (This is not a case of "judicial activism", where courts create new laws contrary to the clear intent of legitimate lawmakers. This is a case of a vague law, which lawmakers, prompted by voters, have the power to clarify, if they don't like the court's interpretation.)

MEDICAID, porque es administrada por los estados, no necesariamente define "estabilizado" de manera precisa. Las cortes se han involucrado en la definición. La Corte de Apelaciones de Carolina del Norte ordenó que MEDICAID debería compensar a un hospital no solo por cirugía de cáncer de espina, sino por quimioterapias para el próximo mes. La quimioterapia reclama que ha sido negada una vez que la cirugía estabilizó al paciente, pero la corte dijo que la salud del paciente podría tener un serio deterioro sin recibirla. (www.aoc.state.nc.us/www/public/coa/opinions/2004/020557-1.htm) (Esto no es un caso de "activismo judicial", en donde las cortes crean nuevas leyes contrarias claro intento de los legisladores. Es un caso de una ley no muy precisa, provocada por votantes, de la cual los legisladores tienen el poder de clarificar, si no les gusta la interpretación de la corte).

If an immigrant is here legally on a work permit, additional help is available. The Texas DARS helps with whatever is needed to "rehabilitate" a worker's disability or health to the point that he can work. They do not help anyone not legally here.

Si un inmigrante tiene permiso de trabajo, ayuda extra está disponible. Texas DARS ayuda con lo que sea necesario para "rehabilitar" a un trabajo que está discapacitado hasta que se recupere para que pueda trabajar. Ellos no ayudan a nadie que esté aquí ilegalmente.

Obviously it is a difficult decision for a doctor to send a patient back to Mexico to die, where the care necessary to save the patient's life simply isn't available. Sympathetic American doctors help because they are decent human beings. Individual physicians, hospitals, counties or states usually choose to give more care than the fed requires or pays for. In Des Moines, doctors are "on rotation" (systematically taking turns) caring for those who cannot pay, including undocumented immigrants.

Obviamente es una decision difícil para un doctor enviar a un paciente de regreso a México para morir, en donde el cuidado necesario para salvar la vida del paciente no está disponible. Los doctores americanos ayudan porque son humanos decentes. Doctores particulares, hospitales, condados o estados usualmente eligen proporcionar más cuidado que cobrar por ello. En Des Moines, los doctores se rotan para cuidar a quien no puede pagar, incluyendo inmigrantes indocumentados.

If you believe in your heart that noncitizens should be turned out to die, before a penny of taxpayers' money is spent on them, you should lobby your lawmakers to repeal the law requiring emergency room care. But you should know that citizens, too, would have their emergency room care delayed until their citizenship could be documented.

Si crees en tu corazón que los no ciudadanos deben enviarse a morir, antes de que cinco centavos de los contribuyentes sea gastado en ellos, debes presionar a tus legisladores para que revoquen la ley que requiere atención médica de urgencia. Pero debes saber, también, que los ciudadanos tendrían demorada su atención médica hasta que su ciudadanía pudiera ser documentada.

Also you should know that Medicare and Social Security get "well in excess of" a $9.5 billion annual windfall from payroll taxes paid by unauthorized workers, according to the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS) report released August 25, 2004!

También debes saber que MEDICARE y el Seguro Social tienen un ingreso extra de 9.5 billones de dólares anuales producto de los impuestos pagados por los trabajadores no autorizados, de acuerdo al Centro de Estudios Migratorios en su reporte de agosto 25 del 2004.

Actually the CIS report concludes that "illegal households create a net benefit well in excess of $7 billion dollars a year for the trust funds of...Social Security and Medicare" because "it is also clear that illegals pay substantially more in Social Security and Medicare than they use." (p. 26)

De hecho el reporte concluye que "los hogares ilegales crean un beneficio neto extra de 7 billones de dólares al año por los fondos de...Seguro Social y MEDICARE" porque "queda claro que los ilegales pagan sustancialmente más por Seguro Social y Medicare de lo que ellos lo usan". (Página 26)

So why did I add $2.5 billion to that figure? Because most of that amount, which the CIS counts as payments for illegals, is actually, according to the CIS report, for citizens! "...it is typically only the U.S.-born children in the illegal households who are on Medicaid...." (p. 26) The report counts medical assistance for citizens as part of the cost of illegals! The report looks at our U.S.-born Citizens -- as defined by the 14th Amendment of our U.S. Constitution -- and calls them "illegals" too!

Entonces, ¿por qué añadí 2.5 billones? Porque la mayor parte de esa cantidad, la cual el CIS cuenta como pago para ilegales, está, de acuerdo al reporte del CIS, para ciudadanos. "...es típicamente exclusive de los niños nacidos en Estados Unidos, en hogares ilegales, que están en Medicaid..." (Página 26). El reporte cuenta asistencia médica para ciudadanos como parte del costo de los ilegales. El reporte mira a nuestros ciudadanos nacidos en Estados Unidos como son definidos por la Enmienda 14 de nuestra Constitución -- y los llama ilegales también.

The CIS is not alone in regarding the citizen children of unauthorized residents as "illegals" too. There is widespread resentment of the production of citizens by crossing the border to give birth, free of charge, in a U.S. emergency room.

El CIS no está solo en considerar a los hijos ciudadanos de los residentes no autorizados como "ilegales" igualmente. Hay un resentimiento esparcido sobre conseguir la ciudadanía cruzando la frontera para dar a luz, gratuitamente, usando el servicio médico de emergencia que Estados Unidos ofrece a todos por igual, ya sean ciudadanos o inmigrantes ilegales.

Instead of feeling resentful and suckered, Americans should feel honored and respectful.

En lugar de sentir resentimiento y molestia, los americanos deberían sentirse honrados y respetuosos.

Honored, at the realization that these mothers aren't coming here for our great hospital care. The physical risks of crossing the border without authorization, while 9-months' pregnant, are greater than the physical risks of giving birth with a Mexican midwife! They come here because they admire us, and want their children to live with us rather than with their own extended family and in their own culture. For this compliment, we resent and insult them?

Honrados en la realización de esas madres que no vendrán aquí por nuestro gran cuidado medico. Los riesgos físicos de cruzar la frontera sin autorización, mientras se está embarazada, son tan grandes como los riesgos de dar a luz con una partera mexicana. Ellos vienen aquí porque nos admiran, y quieren que sus hijos vivan con nosotros en lugar de vivir con una enorme familia y en su propia cultura. ¿Nos resentimos y los insultamos por este cumplido?

Respectful, at the realization that these babies are citizens, and in not many years, will be coming here freely, to vote, at about the same time our Social Security system is expected to collapse because we have murdered 50 million of our own babies and repelled the millions of Hispanics who have struggled to legally join our workforce so they could replace our own slain children.

Respetuosos, en la realización de esos bebés que son ciudadanos y vendrán aquí libremente para votar, al mismo tiempo que nuestro sistema de seguridad social está esperando colapsar porque ha asesinado a 50 millones de bebés americanos y rechazado millones de hispanos, quienes han luchado por unirse legalmente a nuestra fuerza de trabajo tanto que ellos podrían reemplazar a nuestros propios hijos asesinados.

That will be a lot of votes, at a time when involuntary euthenasia isn't that far from political acceptance. Maybe we should be a little more considerate of the millions of citizens we are dissing, who will one day decide our fate. Maybe they will be merciful, and instead of killing us, will vote to send us senior citizens to Mexico, with social security checks slashed by 90%.

Eso dará muchos votos, al mismo tiempo que la eutanasia involuntaria no está tan lejos de aceptarse políticamente. Tal vez deberíamos ser un poco más considerados con los millones de ciudadanos que estamos haciendo a un lado porque, algún día, determinarán nuestro destino. Quizá ellos serán misericordiosos, y en lugar de asesinarnos, votarán para enviarnos como jubilados a México con cheques de seguridad social cortados al 90%.

Young illegals are eligible for public education, but no one has ever defined the word "welfare" to mean "education". "Free" elementary and secondary education is courtesy of our U.S. Supreme Court, and Bush's plan cannot make illegals any more eligible for education than they are already. It will not change until Congress gets the spunk to reign in the Supreme Court. (Nor is it any more "free" for them than for citizens, since illegals pay property taxes -- either through rent or home ownership, state income taxes, and state sales taxes, too.)

Los jóvenes ilegales son elegibles para la educación público, pero ninguno ha definido "subsidio" como "educación". La educación elemental y secundaria gratuita es cortesía de nuestra Suprema Corte de Justicia de los Estados Unidos, y el plan Bush no puede hacer ilegales a nadie más elegible para educación que ellos. No cambiará hasta que el Congreso tenga el valor de reinar en la Suprema Corte. (Ni es más "gratis" para ellos que para los ciudadanos, puesto que los ilegales pagan impuestos -- cualquiera por alquiler o casa propiedad, de propiedad y de ingresos también).

Even though unauthorized workers have social security taxes deducted from their paychecks like everybody else, they never get a dime of it back. Social Security does not pay anyone who is here unlawfully, and if even a legitimate recipient leaves the U.S., benefits payments cease after six months. Far from hurting our social security funds, they are fixing it, and if their work were legal and their wages higher because they weren't afraid to ask for more, they would supply the young labor pool that would heal the anticipated Social Security crash when there are only two wage earners to support each SS recipient.

Aunque los trabajadores no autorizados tienen impuestos de seguro social deducidos de sus pagos como todos los demás, ellos nunca reciben diez centavos de regreso. El Seguro Social no paga a nadie que esté ilegalmente aquí, y si algún cuenta habiente legítimo deja Estados Unidos, los beneficios de pago cesan luego de seis meses. Más lejos del daño en nuestros fondos de seguridad social, lo están arreglando, y si su trabajo fuera legal y sus sueldos más altos porque ellos no tuvieron miedo de aspirar a más, ellos suplirían la joven labor que sanaría la anticipada quiebra del Seguro Social cuando hay solamente dos que ganan dinero para sostener a cada cuenta habiente de SS.

(If there are social security offices which knowingly practice otherwise, they do so in violation of law. Violation of public laws by public servants is certainly a problem, but it is not the fault of immigrants - if they do it for immigrants, they do it for citizens too. It is the fault of citizens too apathetic to pay attention to how their public servants are spending their money. )

(Si hay oficinas de seguridad social que deliberadamente practican de manera diferente, están violando la ley. La violación de las leyes públicas por servidores públicos es un problema de cierto, pero no es la culpa de los inmigrantes -- si ellos lo hacen con los inmigrantes, también lo hacen con los ciudadanos. Es culpa de los ciudadanos tan apáticos como para prestar atención en cómo sus servidores públicos están gastando su dinero).

Regardless of the magnitude of illegal favors for immigrants done by either sympathetic or bribe-taking public servants, the solution is the conversion of "illegal aliens" to legal status in a manner such as is proposed here, which brings them all out of hiding and makes audits simpler.

A pesar de la magnitud de los favores ilegales para los inmigrantes por compasión o por abuso de los servidores públicos, la solución es la conversión de estos "ilegales" a un estatus de legalidad como se propone aquí, lo cual les permite salir de su escondite y hacer más simples las auditorías.

Services paid out compared with taxes sucked in. This wasn't the conclusion of the CIS report. It found that "Households headed by illegal aliens imposed more than $26.3 billion in costs on the federal government in 2002 and paid only $16 billion in taxes, creating a net fiscal deficit of almost $10.4 billion, or $2,700 per illegal household." The CIS said "amnesty" would make it even worse: "...the estimated annual net fiscal deficit would increase from $2,700 per household to nearly $7,700, for a total net cost of $29 billion." (p. 5)

Los servicios pagados en comparación con impuestos embebidos.Esto no fue la conclusion delreporte del CIS. Se encontró que "los hogares encabezados por ilegales reportaron más de 26.3 billones de dólares en costos para el gobierno federal en 2002 y se pagaron solamente 16 billones por concepto de impuestos, creando un déficit fiscal de al menos 10.4 billones de dólares, un aproximado de 2,700 dólares por cada hogar ilegal". El CIS dijo que la "amnistía" empeoraría las cosas: "...el déficit anual estimado podría incrementarse de 2,700 dólares por hogar a 7,700 dólares, lo que daría un costo total de 29 billones de dólares americanos". (Página 5)

However, the report counted government services to citizen children of illegals as services to illegals!

¡Sin embargo, el reporte contó los servicios gubernamentales para los hijos de ilegales que han sido naturalizados americanos como servicios para ilegales!

Its chart on page 32 concludes that the average illegal household adds $6,949 to federal government expenses, compared with the $4,212 paid in taxes. But it added these expenses which it said were virtually all for citizen children only: Social security, SSI, TANF payments, food stamps, Medicaid, energy assistance, higher education assistance, federal unemployment compensation, Medicare, WIC, child care subsidies, school lunches, Stafford Student Loan, TANF social services, and means-tested programs for children of migrants. I assume the Earned Income Tax Credit and Additional Child Tax Credit are likewise available only for citizens, since social security numbers must be listed on the tax form to receive them. Had these payments for citizens not been added as costs of illegals, the bill would have been $2004 less, for a total of $4,945.

La gráfica que aparece en la página 32 concluye que el promedio de hogares ilegales añade 6,949 dólares americanos a los gastos del gobierno federal, comparado con los 4,212 dólares por concepto de impuestos. Pero estos gastos fueron virtualmente para todos los hijos naturalizados solamente: Seguro Social, SSI, pagos de TANF, vales de comida, Medicaid, asistencia de energía, asistencia educativa, compesación federal por desempleo, Medicare, WIC, subsidios para el cuidado de la niñez, almuerzos escolares, Stafford Student Loan, servicios sociales TANF, programas de exámenes para hijos de inmigrantes. Yo supongo que el ingreso ganado por impuestos crediticios y un impuesto adicional de crédito para los niños están igualmente disponislbes sólo para ciudadanos, ya que los números de seguro social deben ser listados en la forma de impuestos que reciben. No habiendo agregado estos costos, la cuenta total tendría que haber sido menos en el 2004, para un total de 4,945 dólares.

It listed two benefits which are available for citizen as well as illegal children, without offering any breakdown: federal funding for public education, and for English Language Acquisition. If we arbitrarily guess that half of that is for citizens, and just subtract half the amount from our bill, we decrease our bill by $171, for a total of $4,774.

Son listados dos beneficios que están disponibles tanto para los ciudadanos como para los hijos de ilegales, sin que represente ninguna pérdida: el fondo federal para la educación pública y la Adquisición del Idioma Inglés. Si arbitrariamente suponemos que la mitad de esto es para los ciudadanos, y solo restamos la mitad de la cantidad de nuestra cuenta, podemos restar 171 dólares, para un total de 4,774.

Next we may consider discounting the costs which are the direct result of keeping these workers illegal, which would disappear were they given the rights of the rest of us. $415 is down as the cost of "federal prison and court systems". There is no explicit breakdown between those incarcerated for traditional crimes, and those incarcerated only for the "crime" of breathing our air without authorization, but the study estimates that were illegals legalized, this figure would drop to $120, so taking $295 off our bill would better reflect the cost of illegals to our prison system which is not caused just by making it illegal for them to work.

Lo siguiente es que podemos considerar descontar los costos que son el resultado directo de mantener a estos trabajadores ilegales. 415 dólares es bajo como el costo de "de la prisión federal y las cortes". No hay una pérdida explícita entre aquellos encarcelados por delitos tradicionales, y aquéllos encarcelados solamente por el "crimen" de respirar nuestro aire sin autorización, sino que el estudio estima que fueron ilegales legalizados, y podría caer a 120 dólares. Entonces, tomando 295 dólares de nuestra cuenta se reflejaría mejor el costo de ilegales para nuestro sistema de prisiones, lo cual no es causado sólo por hacer ilegal para ellos trabajar.

That brings our bill to $4,479. Finally, the CIS adds $345 as the cost of INS enforcement caused by the average illegal family; this figure would disappear if illegals were given a front door to legal status. Taking $345 off our bill leaves us $4,134, which is $78 less than the average illegal household is estimated to pay in taxes. This is closer to what their cost will be, if Congress writes a bill right. (The report estimates 55% of illegal workers receive paychecks with taxes deducted.)

Eso deja nuestra cuenta en $4,479 dólares. Finalmente, el CIS agrega $345 dólares como el costo de la sanción del INS causado, en promedio, por cada familia ilegal, y que desaparecería si los ilegales fueran colocados en un estatus legal. Tomando $345 dólares de nuestra cuenta nos quedan $4,134 dólares, $78 dólares menos que, en promedio, una familia ilegal debe pagar en impuestos. Esto es una aproximación al costo que tendrían si el Congreso redactara una ley correctamente. (El reporte estima que el 55 por ciento de trabajadores ilegales reciben sus pagos con los impuestos deducidos).

$3,115 of the cost is not for anything anyone has received personally, but is the cost of federal "infrastructure" which this study divides equally between all households, whether of citizens, legal immigrants, or illegals. (This study considers only federal expenses compared with federal taxes; not state or local benefits or taxes.)

3,115 del costo no es para nadie que lo ha recibido personalmente, pero es el costo de la "infraestructura" federal lo que este estudio divide equitativamente entre todos los hogares, ya sean de ciudadanos, inmigrantes legales o ilegales. (Este estudio considera solamente los gastos federales comparados con los impuestos. No contempla beneficios ni impuestos estatales o locales).

This leaves only $1,019 which, this study estimates, the average illegal household personally "receives" for the illegals in the family. This includes rent subsidy, $86; public housing, $40; energy assistance, $8; education subsidy, $172 (by guessing that 1/2 of the amount given here is for non-citizens); the cost of crime, $120; and $591 for "medical care for the uninsured", whose meaning is not given, so I do not know what it includes or whether any of it really goes for illegals. (This gives a result only $2 off, which is the amount the total on the chart is off, if you add up all the items in the column.)

Esto deja solamente 1,019 dólares lo que, según este estudio, es el promedio que un hogar ilegal "recibe" para toda su familia. Esto incluye renta, 86 dólares; vivienda pública, 40 dólares; energía eléctrica, 8 dólares; subsidio educativo, 172 dólares (suponiendo que la mitad de la suma dada es para los no ciudadanos); el costo del delito, 120 dólares; y 591 dólares por "atención médica para los no asegurados", cuyo significado no es dado, así que no sé qué incluye. (Esto nos da un resultado de 2 dólares, que es la cuenta del total en la gráfica, si añades todos estos puntos en la columna).

Would legalization make illegals even more costly? Yes, says the CIS report, because even though they would pay more in taxes, they would use a LOT more services. Now, "On average, the costs that illegal households impose on federal coffers are less than half that of other households, but their tax payments are only one-fourth that of other households" because "so many illegal aliens are unskilled and thus have low income." (p. 5, 38)

¿Haría la legalización que los ilegales fueran más costosos? Sí, según el reporte del CIS, porque aunque pagarían más impuestos, usarían más servicios. Ahora, "en promedio, los costos que los hogares ilegales imponen son menos de la mitad de otros hogares, pero sus pagos por impuestos son únicamente una cuarta parte comparada con los demás" porque "muchos ilegales son trabajadores no calificados y, por lo tanto, su ingreso es bajo". (Página 5, 38)

But how much of their low wages is because they are in hiding, without much freedom to hunt for a better job? "...household income might rise by 15 percent with legalization" is all CIS estimates. (p. 37) This estimated 15%, plus the assumption that the percentage of those who pay taxes would increase from 55% to 100%, explains why "tax payments would increase by 77%".

¿No será que sus bajos salaries son debidos a que están escondidos, sin mucha libertad para conseguir un mejor trabajo? "...el ingreso por hogar debe aumentar en un 15 por ciento con la legalización" es lo que el CIS estima. (Página 37) Este estimado 15 por ciento, más la suposición de que el porcentaje de los que pagan impuestos aumentaría del 55% al 100%, explica por qué "el pago de impuestos aumentaría a un 77%".

Why wouldn't this be enough? Because "service use would rise dramatically because legal immigrants are eligible for most programs, and they typically have much less fear about using them than illegal aliens. This does not mean that low income legal immigrants use more in services than low-income native-born Americans. The fiscal deficit is created by the fact that so many illegal aliens are unskilled and thus have low income." (p. 38)

¿Por qué no sería suficiente? Porque "el servicio aumentaría dramáticamente ya que los inmigrantes legales son elegibles para más programas, y ellos típicamente tienen menos miedo acerca de hacer uso de ellos que los ilegales. Esto no significa que el salario bajo de los inmigrantes legales les permita usar más servicios que los nativos americanos que también perciben un ingreso pobre. El deficit fiscal es creado por el hecho de que muchos ilegales no están calificados y, por ello, su sueldo es menor". (Página 38)

"[T]heir average household incomes would still remain one-third below that of other households" (p. 38) because "An estimated two thirds of household heads who are illegals lack a high school diploma. This is important because ...there is no better predictor of income in the modern American economy than one's educational level." (p. 23) In 2002, the average income of illegal individuals, counting children, was $11,230.45, while the average income of everyone else was $22,849.39. At 2.7 persons per average illegal household, that's a household income of $30,019 for illegals, and $52,188 for the average household of everyone else, whose size is 2.3 persons. (Chart on p. 23)

"El promedio de los ingresos por hogar permanecería una tercera parte por abajo de los otros hogares". (Página 38) Porque "dos tercios estimados de los jefes de familias ilegales no tienen un diploma de preparatoria. Esto es importante porque...no hay mejor garantía de un ingreso en la economía de la América moderna que aquél que tiene un alto nivel educativo". (Página 23) En el 2002, el promedio de ingresos de los ilegales, contando a sus hijos, fue de 11,230.45 dólares, mientras que el promedio de los demás fue de 22,849.39. De cada 2.7 personas por promedio en hogares ilegales, hay un promedio de ingreso de 30,019 dólares, mientras que el promedio en todos los demás es de 52,188 dólares en donde hay 2.3 personas. (Gráfica en la página 23)

In other words, CIS assumes the scant education illegals have now (less than a high school diploma for 65% of them, compared with only 16% of everyone else not having diplomas) is the same scant education they will have as they acquire LPR. But if the Point System is adopted this will not be the case. If education is made a condition for LPR, they will get educated!

En otras palabras, el CIS supone que la escasa educación que los ilegales tienen (sin preparatoria el 65 por ciento de ellos, comparado con el 16 por ciento de los que no han tenido educación alguna) es la misma escasez de educación que tendrán si obtienen la Residencia Legal Permanente. Pero si el Sistema Original es adoptado no será el caso. Si la educación es impuesta como una condición para obtener la residencia permanente, ellos buscarán cómo instruirse.

Likewise CIS assumes welfare use will increase once illegals acquire legal status. But again this assumption will not materialize if staying off welfare is a condition for LPR, as S1645 proposed!

Igualmente, el CIS supone que el subsidio aumentará una vez que los ilegales tengan un estatus legal. Pero otra vez esta suposición no se convertirá en realidad si el subsidio es un condición para la residencia, como la forma S1645 propuso.

Congress knows how to write LPR conditions which avoid CIS's dire predictions, and we need to encourage Congress to do it. Give illegals a choice between living here legally, and welfare, and the choice will be easy. "Although many Americans are upset about their use of public services, there is little evidence that illegals come to America to take advantage of benefits. Most illegal aliens come for jobs, and the vast majority are in fact employed." (p. 37)

El Congreso conoce cómo escribir las condiciones para la residencia legal, las cuales evitan las predicciones del CIS, y necesitamos animarlo para hacerlo. Dar a los ilegales una elección entre vivir aquí legalmente, y subsidiarlos, y la elección será fácil. "Aunque muchos americanos están molestos por el uso de los servicios públicos, hay poca evidencia de que los ilegales que vienen a América se aprovechen de sus beneficios. La mayoría de los ilegales vienen en busca de trabajo, y la vasta mayoría están empleados". (Página 37)

The Wage Competition Myth. Either illegal aliens working for less than minimum wage go South, or our wages go South, according to the myth. If an illegal works for $3 an hour picking oranges, how can a citizen keep his $8 an hour job picking them? Illegals working for low wages are therefore driving down citizen wages, according to the myth.

El mito de la Competencia Salarial. Ni los trabajadores ilegales trabajan por menos que el salario mínimo, ni nuestros salarios se van al Sur, de acuerdo al mito. Si un ilegal trabaja por 3 dólares la hora recogiendo naranjas, ¿cómo puede un ciudadano mantener sus 8 dólares por hora recogiéndolas? Los ilegales trabajando por sueldos bajos están, por lo tanto, bajando los sueldos de los ciudadanos, de acuerdo al mito.

Then conversely, the best thing we could do to keep our wages high, is to start paying illegals $500 an hour. Right? If we start paying illegals like we do doctors and lawyers, that will make everyone richer, right? No, you say? But if paying them too low brings down our wages, then won't paying them too high raise our wages?

Entonces, por el contrario, la mejor cosa que podría hacer para mantener nuestros salarios altos, es empezar a pagar a los ilegales 500 dólares por hora. ¿Cierto? Si empezamos a pagar a los ilegales como a doctores y abogados, eso hará a cada uno más rico, ¿verdad? No. Dices tú. ¿Pero si pagarles también bajará nuestros salarios, entonces no pagaremos altos aumentos a nuestros salarios?

Hmmm. Why doesn't the myth make quite as much sense now?

Hmmm. ¿Por qué este mito no tiene mucho sentido ahora?

Here is what the myth leaves out: if an illegal works for $3 an hour picking oranges, it may be that it will make it harder for a citizen to pick oranges for $8 an hour. But every worker is also a consumer. He has to fill his gas tank, and his belly, and pay for food and shelter, at the rates citizens charge. So every worker who comes here creates a new job for every one he takes, and some of the jobs they create are better than the ones they take.

Aquí es lo que deja fuera a este mito: si un ilegal trabaja por 3 dólares la hora recogiendo naranjas, puede ser que hará más difícil para un ciudadano recoger naranjas por 8 dólares la hora. Pero cada trabajador también es un consumidor. Tiene que llenar el tanque de gasolina y su estómago, y pagar por comida y techo, a los costos que paga un ciudadano. Entonces cada trabajador que viene aquí crea un nuevo trabajo para cada uno, y algunos de los trabajos que ellos crean son mejores que los que ellos toman.

Are we grateful that doctors and lawyers charge so much, because that drives our wages up? No? Don't their high wages, for services we require, simply transfer our wealth to them?

¿Estamos agradecidos que los doctores y abogados cobren tanto porque eso hace que nuestros salarios suban? ¿No? ¿Acaso sus altos salarios, por los servicios que requerimos, simplemente transfieren nuestra riqueza a ellos?

Then why do we imagine the worst thing for our wages is for illegals to have low wages? When they work cheap for us, yet still pay what we charge them for the services they need from us, isn't that good for us? Isn't it us, taking advantage of them? Yet we accuse them of taking advantage of us, by working like slaves for us, making us rich! This is not making us look good.

Entonces, ¿por qué imaginamos que lo peor para nuestros salarios es que los ilegales tengan sueldos bajos? ¿Cuando ellos trabajan barato para nosotros, y pagan lo que les cobramos por los servicios que necesitan de nosotros, no es bueno? ¿No estamos aprovechándonos de ellos? Y así los acusamos de abusar de nosotros, trabajando como esclavos y haciéndonos ricos. Esto no nos hace quedar bien.

The "Rule of Law" Myth. Many say any change in immigration law that allows illegals a place in the line for legalization will "reward" them for violating immigration law, which will "undermine the rule of law".

El Mito de la "Norma de la Ley". Muchos dicen que cualquier cambio en la ley migratoria que permita a los ilegales un lugar en la línea de la legalización será "recompensada" por ellos violando dicha ley, la cual "socavará la norma de la ley".

Rewarding lawbreakers? It rewards breakers of the old law, to pass a new law which they aren't breaking? That's like saying no legislature has the right to raise speed limits on freeways because that just rewards those speeders who broke the law before the limits were raised. The fact is, most laws, and revisions of laws, make legal, for some people, what was previously illegal, and no one (except "send 'em South" types) talks about rewarding lawbreakers just because the legislature decided to change a law.

¿Recompensar a los violadores de la ley? ¿Premia a los infractores de la vieja ley pasar a una nueva que ellos no están violando? Esto es como decir que una legislación tiene el derecho de aumentar los límites de velocidad en las autopistas porque eso premia a aquellos corredores que violen la ley antes de que los límites fueran aumentados. El hecho es que, la mayoría de las leyes, y revisiones de éstas, hacen legal, para algunas personas, lo que fue previamente legal, y no habla acerca de premiar a los infractores sólo porque la legislatura decidió cambiar una ley.

The goal ever before lawmakers OUGHT to be the vision of better laws, not some sophistry about rewarding lawbreakers by "fixing" laws that everyone admits are "broke".

No sorprende que América esté desgarrada con tantas leyes y regulaciones. Siempre lo sospechamos, pero ahora lo sabemos: los políticos creen que es una especie de acto inmoral, si no un crimen, revocar una regulación.

No wonder America is hamstrung with so many laws and regulations today! We always suspected it, but now we know: politicians believe it is some kind of immoral act, if not a crime, to repeal a regulation!

¡Nadie pregunta si América está siendo dañada con tantas leyes y regulaciones en la actualidad! ¡Siempre lo sospechamos, pero ahora lo sabemos: los políticos creen que es una clase de acto inmoral, si no es que un rimen, revocar una regulación!

The Rule of Law is not undermined by lawmakers changing a law. That is the only thing lawmakers do. When lawmakers consider raising the speed limit, or lightening a penalty, they do not talk about whether that will "reward" those penalized under the existing law. They debate, instead, whether the law itself is right: whether it strikes the right balance between competing interests.

La Norma de la Ley no está socavada por los legisladores que cambian una ley. Esto es solamente lo que ellos hacen. Cuando los legisladores consideran aumentar el límite de velocidad, o aclarar una multa, ellos no hablar sobre lo que "recompensará" a quienes sean multados por una ley existente. Ellos debaten lo que la ley en sí misma tiene de correcto: si golpea su correcto balance entre intereses competentes.

The "Bush's Plan is Amnesty" myth. President Bush's "Guest Worker" plan would be a form of amnesty for lawbreakers, which undermines the rule of law, according to the myth.

El Mito de que el plan Bush es Amnistía. El plan del presidente Bush sería una forma de amnistía para los que violan la ley, lo cual socava la norma de la ley, de acuerdo con el mito.

Actually there is little resemblance between Bush's plan and "amnesty". Amnesty is, in effect, a retroactive raise in the quotas for immigration. Amnesty "forgives" immigrants who came here in excess of the previous quota, creating the same effect as if the quota had been as high as the number who came.

Actualmente hay poca semejanza entre el plan Bush y Amnistía. La amnistía es, de hecho, un aumento retroactivo en las cuotas para la inmigración. La amnistía "olvida" que los inmigrantes que vienen aquí en exceso de una cuota previa, crean el mismo efecto como si la cuota hubiera sido tan alta como el número e ilegales que viene.

Amnesty means letting illegals continue as they are, but legally. Bush's plan would not allow illegals to continue as they are. It redraws the immigration landscape.

Amnistía significa permitir que los ilegales continúen como están, pero legalmente. El plan Bush no lo permitiría. Esto redibuja el panorama migratorio.

Bush's plan could become a lot of things, depending on the details Congress adopts, but none of the possibilities Congress has been considering is amnesty.

El plan Bush podría convertirse en muchas cosas dependiendo de los detalles que el Congreso adopte, pero ninguna de las posibilidades que el Congreso ha considerado es la amnistía.

National discussion of the details will determine whether the plan becomes bad or good. A good plan, composed of details found in bills Congress has already written, would give immigrants an unlimited legal temporary right to work, which would double as a probation period. If they meet high standards for work quality, English, and education, they would receive LPR. But meanwhile, all would have to register, and in fact most would want to register, leaving those few who don't easy to find. Under-the-table jobs would dry up, and those who don't qualify really would be shipped back until they do.

La discusión nacional de los detalles determinará si el plan se convierte en bueno o malo. Un buen plan, compuesto de puntos encontrados en las facturas que el Congreso ha escrito ya, podría darles a los inmigrantes un derecho legal ilimitado para trabajar, lo que doblaría su periodo de prueba. Si ellos conocen los altos estándares para un trabajo de calidad, el idioma inglés, y la educación, ellos recibirían la residencia permanente. Pero mientras tanto, todos tendría que registrarse, y de hecho la muchos querrían registrarse, dejando que unos pocos no fueran fáciles de encontrar.

Write! Have you started writing to or calling your lawmakers yet? YOU HAVEN'T?! You STILL aren't concerned enough, upset enough, and articulate enough? Have you or your loved ones not been hurt enough? Shame on you! OK, you may be forgiven, if you will get out your pencils or keyboards NOW.

¡Escribe! ¿Ya empezaste a escribir o a llamarle a tus legisladores? ¿Todavía no? ¿No estás lo suficientemente preocupado y enojado? ¿No has sido o tu gente querida lastimados lo suficiente? ¡Qué vergüenza!

Write to President George Bush at Honorable President George Bush, Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, DC 20502. Or you can email a short message through his website at www.whitehouse.gov.

Escribe al Presidente George Bush: Honorable President George Bush, Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D.D. 20502. También puedes escribirle un breve correo electrónico en www.whitehouse.gov.

To get the name and address of your own U.S. Representative and U.S. Senator, you can call your County Auditor or County Election Office. Online, you can find your U.S. Representative at www.house.gov/writerep/. You can find your Senator at www.senate.gov, and click on "choose your state".

Para obtener la dirección y el nombre de tu representante y senador, puedes llamar a tu condado. En Internet los puedes encontrar en y en , haciendo clic en "selecciona tu estado".

Next Issue: More Myths: "More immigration will make our land too crowded" <> "More immigration will increase our National Security risk"

Próximo número: más mitos. "Una mayor inmigración sobrepoblará nuestra tierra". "Mayor inmigración incrementará el riesgo para nuestra nación".

Part Four of a 4-part series: More Myths: "More immigration will make our land too crowded" <> "More immigration will increase our National Security risk"

Parte Cuatro de una serie de 4 partes: Más Mitos: "Una mayor inmigración sobrepoblará nuestra tierra". "Una mayor inmigración aumentará el riesgo de nuestra Seguridad Nacional".

The Overpopulation Myth. We will not run out of space if we open up the doors wider to immigration. That is the argument of abortionists. Which makes it strange that Congressman Steve King would raise this argument, in the December 17, 2003 letter he got 35 other congressmen to sign, because King is extremely prolife.

El mito de la Sobrepoblación. No tendremos espacio, si abrimos las puertas a la inmigración. Este es el argumento de los que están a favor del aborto. Es extraño que el congresista Steve King creciera este argumento en su carta del 17 de diciembre del 2003, porque es extremadamente pro-vida.

If the entire world population were packed as densely as Chicago's 13,000 people per square mile, (over 2,000 square feet for each man, woman and child, or more than one house lot for each family of four; less than half the density of New York City and the Los Angeles metropolitan area), they would fill up a metropolis consuming only 10% of U.S. land, leaving 90% for agriculture and parks. (Thanks to Dowingba.com for the perspective.) (Nor should world density increase very much more. The world's 6.3 billion population is projected to swell to 9 billion in 45 years, and then level off.)

Si la población de todo el mundo fuera puesta tan densamente como la de Chicago, en donde hay 13 mil personas por milla cuadrada (más de 2 mil pies cuadrados por cada hombre, mujer y niño, o más que un terreno para una familia de cuatro; menos que la mitad de la densidad de Nueva York y que el área metropolitana de Los Angeles), llenarían una metrópolis consumiendo solamente el 10 por ciento del territorio americano, dejando un 90 por ciento para la agricultura y los parques. (Gracias a Dowingba.com por la perspectiva).

Obviously adjustments would have to be made, such as Manhattan Island has made since it was traded for 24 beads. But change can be satisfactory. Most New Yorkers, for some inexplicable reason, like it better now than then, as proved by the fact they remain where they are rather than moving to countries with stone age cultures. New Yorkers back then would have said of today's population density, "physically impossible"! But each new human being who joins us, brings with him additional ingenuity which can help our population density work for us, just as it always has in every great city of the world.

Obviamente tendría que hacer algunos ajustes, como los que se hicieron en Manhattan. Pero cambiar puede ser satisfactorio. La mayoría de los neoyorquinos, por alguna razón inexplicable, parece mejor ahora que antes, como se probó por el hecho de que ellos permanecen donde ellos quieren en lugar de moverse a países con culturas de la edad de piedra. Los neoyorquinos tendrían que decir que la población actual es "físicamente imposible". Pero cada ser humano nuevo se nos une, y trae consigo una ingenuidad adicional que puede ayudar a nuestra población a trabajar para nosotros.

The point is not that we should do everything we can to get the biggest population we can as soon as we can. The point is that here are millions of Mexicans already here who just need to be treated fairly. It is absurd to imagine that - because we have no room for them - we cannot afford to share with them the same opportunity to work with which God has blessed us!

El punto no es hay aquí millones de mexicanos que necesitan ser tratados justamente. Es absurdo imaginar que ­porque no tenemos espacio para ellos-no podemos esforzarnos para compartir con ellos la misma oportunidad para trabajar con la que Dios nos ha bendecido.

We have room! At least on our land. The issue is whether we will make room in our hearts.

¡Tenemos cupo! Al menos en nuestra tierra. La cosa es si tendremos espacios en nuestros corazones.

Population paranoia promises that poverty increases proportionate to population. Have you seen evidence of that anywhere? Is the world poorer now than it was 100 years ago?Cities have ghettos, but not because of density; but rather because of corrupt government and unfair economic practices. Yet even ghettos, to this day, attract poor people from the countryside who anticipate a greater chance of employment where the population is denser!

La paranoia de la población promete que la pobreza crece en proporción a la población. ¿Has visto evidencia de esto en alguna parte? ¿Es el mundo más pobre ahora que 100 años atrás? Las ciudades tienen ghettos, pero no por la densidad, sino por la corrupción del gobierno y las prácticas injustas de la economía. Aún los ghettos, al día de hoy, atraen gente pobre desde el campo que anticipa una gran oportunidad de empleo donde la población es más densa.

Density poses problems to be prepared for. But it also offers opportunities to be grasped, through the multiplied brainpower available to us. Against this perspective, it is tragically foolish to imagine we are defending our interests, by deliberately limiting the opportunity of other human brains to share their potential with us!

La densidad representa un problema para el que hay que estar preparados. Sin embargo, también ofrece oportunidades para ser comprendido, a través de la inteligencia multiplicada en nosotros. Contra esta perspectiva, es trágicamente tonto imaginar que estamos defendiendo nuestros intereses, deliberadamente limitando la oportunidad de otros humanos para compartir su potencial con nosotros.

Especially where they are already here, taking up our land! To allow them on our land, and not allow their brainpower to help us use it more efficiently, isn't very bright. To do that, and then complain of feeling crowded, is like the bureaucrat who throws half his money out the window and then complains to the legislature that he wasn't given enough.

Especialmente en donde ellos están tomando nuestra tierra. Para permitirles el acceso, y no permitirles que nos ayuden es más eficiente, pero no brillante. Hacerlo, y entonces quejarnos de un sentimiento de cobardía, es como el burócrata que lanza la mitad de su dinero por la ventana y se queda porque la legislación no le dio suficiente.

It isn't population density that makes anyone poor. It's corrupt government, and laws and religions of hate. Where there is freedom, and love of neighbor, technology flourishes, enabling us to use space better. Mexico has about 126 people per square mile to the U.S.'s 79.6, which makes us almost adjacent on a world density chart. Unauthorized workers aren't fleeing population density: they come, mostly, to California's 217.2 people per square mile.

No es la densidad de la población lo que nos hace pobres. Es la corrupción, las leyes y las religiones de odio. Donde hay libertad y amor al prójimo, la tecnología florece, habilitándonos a usar mejor el espacio. México tiene cerca de 126 personas por milla cuadrada y Estados Unidos, 79.6, lo que nos hace al menos adyacentes en una gráfica de población. Los trabajadores no autorizados no están huyendo de la sobrepoblación: ellos vienen, mayormente, a California con 217.2 personas por milla cuadrada.

Part of our solution surely must be to acknowledge the blessings we have, and share them. As President Bush stated January 7, 2004, "The best way, in the long run, to reduce the pressures that create illegal immigration in the first place is to expand economic opportunity among the countries in our neighborhood. In a few days I will go to Mexico for the Special Summit of the Americas, where we will discuss ways to advance free trade, and to fight corruption, and encourage the reforms that lead to prosperity. Real growth and real hope in the nations of our hemisphere will lessen the flow of new immigrants to America when more citizens of other countries are able to achieve their dreams at their own home."

Parte de nuestra solución seguramente debe ser reconocer las bendiciones que tenemos y compartirlas. Como el Presidente Bush dijo el 7 de enero del 2004, "la mejor manera, en el largo camino, para reducir las presiones que crear inmigración ilegal en primer lugar es expandir la oportunidad económica entre los países en nuestro vecindario. En pocos días, iré a México para el Encuentro de las Américas, y discutiremos las maneras de avanzar hacia un libre tratado, y de luchar contra la corrupción proponiendo reformas que nos guíen a la prosperidad. Un crecimiento real y una esperanza real en las naciones de nuestro hemisferio disminuirán el flujo de nuevos inmigrantes en América cuando más ciudadanos de otros países puedan alcanzar sus sueños en su propio hogar".

The National Security Myth. It is not a myth that our 8-12 million immigrants living as "illegal aliens" pose a serious national security hazard, and a great cover into which large numbers of terrorists and drug dealers can blend. It is a myth that fixing it, as President Bush hopes to do, will make it worse.

El Mito de la Seguridad Nacional. No es un mito que nuestros 8-12 millones de inmigrantes viven como ilegales representan una grave amenaza para la seguridad nacional, y una enorme fachada en el que muchos terroristas y narcotraficantes pueden mezclarse. Es un mito que arreglándolo, como el Presidente Bush espera hacerlo, empeorará.

Would U.S. border security be helped if 10 million Hispanics switched from fake ID's to legal, tamper-proof ID's? Wouldn't the USCIS have a much easier time of concentrating on "illegal aliens", if their number were reduced from 10 million to a few thousand?

¿Podría la seguridad de la frontera estadounidense ser auxiliada si 10 millones de hispanos cambiaron sus falsas identificaciones? ¿No tendría la USCIS más tiempo para concentrarse en los ilegales, si el número fuera reducido de 10 millones a unos miles?

Illegals will have to use their fake ID's a lot more, and will thus be easier to catch, when they can no longer bury themselves in communities who meet each other's needs and help each other avoid contact with authorities.

Los ilegales tendrán que usar sus falsas identificaciones mucho más, y será más fácil atraparlos cuando ellos no puedan meterse de lleno en las comunidades que conozcan las necesidades de otros y se ayuden a evitar el contacto con las autoridades.

And wouldn't the few remaining illegals much more likely be the criminal element which should be the priority of USCIS deportation efforts?

¿Y no permanecerían algunos ilegales más como elementos de crimen que debería ser la prioridad de los esfuerzos de deportación de la USCIS?

The security challenge is to create natural incentives for illegals to voluntarily report to the USCIS. Bush's plan is not specific enough to tell us what mix of positive and negative incentives Bush would favor; S 1387 relies heavily on positive incentives to participate, while H2899 relies more on heavy fines on employers.

El reto de la seguridad es crear incentivos naturales para los ilegales que voluntariamente se reportan a la USCIS. El plan Bush no es suficientemente específico al decirnos cuáles son estos incentivos que Bush favorecería; la forma S1387 enfatiza sobre incentivos positivos para participar, mientras que la forma H2899 habla de incentivos para los empresarios.

The more a plan would rely on negative incentives, the bigger the bureaucracy necessary to enforce it. Our goal ought to be the most positive incentives possible, that are still effective -- in order to come as close as we can to actually reducing the USCIS bureaucracy.

Entre más un plan se finque sobre incentivos negativos, mayor la burocracia que se necesita para hacerlo cumplir. Nuestra meta debe ser lo más positiva posible y que sea efectiva ­en orden de llegar tan cerca como podamos de reducir la burocracia en la USCIS.

However, if the details of Bush's plan are assembled unwisely, then the critics are right: at the end of Bush's 6-year legal temporary work period, after as many workers have come North as there are jobs, (and every new worker becomes a consumer, creating new jobs), if workers have little incentive to voluntarily return South they will simply hide, and remain, and blend into the Illegal Alien population, swelling its ranks, and swelling our national security problem.

Como sea, si los puntos del plan Bush están armados imprudentemente, entonces las críticas son correctas; en el final del periodo legal de trabajo temporal de 6 años, después de que muchos trabajadores han venido al Norte según el número de trabajos, (y cada nuevo empleado se convierte en un consumidor que, a su vez, crea nuevos empleos), si los trabajadores tienen un pequeño incentivo para regresar voluntariamente al Sur, simplemente se esconderán, permanecerán y se mezclarán con la población ilegal, hinchando sus tropas e hinchando nuestro problema de seguridad nacional.

Write! So the ball really is in your court. Major immigration reform is very likely in this 2005-2006 session of Congress. What Congress produces can be very good, or very bad, depending on its details. The details will be determined by national discussion of them, or lack thereof. Will you join the discussion? Will you study the details, think about them, and let your voice be heard where it matters?

¡Escribe! Así que la bola está en juego en tu campo. La principal reforma migratoria es muy parecida a la sesión 2005-2006 del Congreso. Lo que produzca el Congreso puede ser muy bueno o muy malo, dependiendo de sus detalles. Los detalles y los puntos serán determinados por una discusión nacional o la falta de ésta. ¿Te unirán a esta discusión? ¿Estudiarán los detalles, pensarás en ellos y dejarás que tu voz sea oída en donde importa?

Here again are a few places to begin writing:

Aquí hay algunas direcciones con las que puedes empezar.

One of President Bush's strongest opponents is Congressman Steve King of Iowa. He got 35 other Congressmen to sign his December 17, 2003 public letter of opposition to Bush's plan, which is on his website (www.house.gov/steveking/; click on "newsroom"). On January 5, 2005 he added to the home page of his website "All sovereign nations...must control their borders...Our first defense against terrorism is border security...The Open Borders lobby has kept this nation at risk."

Uno de los más fuertes oponentes del Presidente Bush es el congresista Steve King, de Iowa. Consiguió a 35 congresistas para que firmaran su carta pública, del 17 de diciembre del 2003. En esta carta se opone al plan Bush, y se encuentra en su página web (www.house.gov/steveking/; clic en "sala de prensa"). El 5 de enero del 2005, agregó a su página "Todas las naciones soberanasdeben controlar sus fronterasNuestra primera defensa contra el terrorismo es la seguridad fronterizaLas Fronteras Abiertas han mantenido a la nación en riesgo".

But King is an honest man of conscience and compassion, whose 2003 letter is muddled with several misstatements of the facts. Perhaps he will respond to your letters or phone calls if you can speak with authority about the facts of immigration, because you are closer to the facts than he is. His address: Office of Congressman Steve King, 1432 Longworth Office Building, Washington D.C. 20515. His phone number is (202) 225-4426. His fax number is (202) 225-3193.

Sin embargo, King es un hombre honesto, compasivo y consciente, cuya carta del 2003 está hecha un lío con muchas declaraciones perdidas de los hechos. Tal vez responderá a tus cartas o a tus llamadas telefónicas, si puedes hablar con autoridad sobre inmigración, porque estás más cerca de los hechos que él. Su dirección: Oficina del Congresista Steve King, 1432 Longworth, Office Building, Washington, D.C. 20515. Su teléfono es (202) 225-4426. Su fax es (202) 225-3193.

Write to President George Bush at Honorable President George Bush, Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, DC 20502. Or you can email a short message through his website at www.whitehouse.gov.

Escribe al Presidente George Bush: Honorable President George Bush, Pennsylvania Avenue, Washington, D.C. 205202. O puedes enviarle un correo electrónico breve en su sitio de Internet: www.whitehouse.gov

To get the name and address of your own U.S. Representative and U.S. Senator, you can call your County Auditor or County Election Office. Online, you can find your U.S. Representative at www.house.gov/writerep/. You can find your Senator at www.senate.gov, and click on "choose your state".

Para obtener el nombre y la dirección de su Representante y Senador, puedes llamar a tu Condado o a la Oficina de Elecciones de tu condado. Puedes encontrar a tu Representante en . Y a tu Senador en , y haz clic en "selecciona tu estado".

One final favor I ask of you: let me know about the errors you see in this article, so I can correct my understanding and not repeat them. I know I'm no expert. I've just seen some of the hardships many endure, some of the obstacles preventing them from bettering themselves, some of the reasons for maintaining those obstacles, some of the spiritual consequences, and I want to help. So I have tried to learn as much as I can, and be as accurate as I can, but I assume I am still ignorant about many things. Yet I know we cannot solve these problems without precision in our thinking. So please help correct me.

Te pido un ultimo favor: déjame saber sobre los errors que ves en este artículo, así puedo corregir y no repetirlos. Sé que no soy un experto. He visto solo algunos de las privaciones que perduran, algunos de los obstáculos para prevenirlos, algunas de las razones para mantener esos obstáculos, algunas de las consecuencias espirituales, y quiero ayudar. Así que he intentado aprender tanto como puedo, y ser lo más preciso que pueda, pero supongo que aún soy ignorante acerca de muchas cosas. Sé que no podemos resolver todavía estos problemas sin precisión en nuestros pensamientos. Así que, por favor, a¦udame a corregirlos.

What I cannot afford to do, and neither can you, as wait to speak until my knowledge is perfect. Too many depend on what we will say. But to the extent we will help each other, our knowledge can become nearly perfect. Write to me at Leach@Saltshaker.US, or Dave Leach, 137 E. Leach, Des Moines Iowa 50315.

Lo que no puedo hacer, ni tampoco tú, es esperar a hablar hasta que mi conocimiento sea perfecto. Muchos dependen de que digamos. Pero al ayudar a otros, nuestro conocimiento puede convertirse en casi perfecto. Escríbeme a Leach@Saltshaker.US, o Dave Leach, 137 E. Leach, Des MoinesIowa 50315.

Part Five: The Spiritual Stakes <> Las Estacas Espirituales

Biblical and Historical Perspective.

La Perspectiva Histórica y Bíblica

America began with all the right ingredients for prosperity: a heritage of religious persecution like that suffered by the Israelites in Egypt. Throughout Biblical history, periods of prosperity and promise were preceded by periods of oppression and slavery.

América inició con todos los ingredientes correctos para la prosperidad: una herencia de la persecución religiosa como la que sufrieron los israelitas en Egipto. A los largo de la historia bíblica, tiempos de prosperidad y promesa fueron precedidos por periodos de opresión y esclavitud.

America's founders came to a Promised Land. (That is what they called it, and that is what it was.) As with every entry into a promised land, it was already inhabited. Some of the Native Americans thought it a crime for our ancestors to possess land which they had assumed was theirs, but our ancestors did not think so. The Native Americans did not think there was enough land for them and us. While there might not have been, had everyone remained in the stone age, advancing technology made greater population density not only possible but so comfortable that to this day, citizens are still fleeing rural areas to live in the largest cities.

Los fundadores de América llegaron a la Tierra Prometida. (Que es como la llamaron y que es lo que fue). Como cada entrada en una tierra prometida, estaba también inhabitada. Algunos de los nativos americanos pensaron en un crimen para nuestros ancestros poseer la tierra que ellos han asumido fueron suya, pero nuestros ancestros no pensaron así. Los nativos americanos no piensas que hubo suficiente tierra para ellos y para nosotros. De no haber sido por el avance de la tecnología que hizo más grande la densidad poblacional como algo posible y también tan confortable hasta nuestros días, por eso los ciudadanos todavía están viniendo de áreas rurales para vivir en las grandes ciudades.

While there were several instances of abuse of Native Americans by our ancestors, (such as the Trail of Tears of the Cherokee Nation), God placed his stamp of approval on the general program of migrating here, by miracles such as the evacuation of the land upon which the Pilgrims first settled, by pestilence, only a couple of years before the Pilgrims landed; just long enough for the disease to die out, but not long enough for the neighboring Native Americans to develop the courage to settle the area.

Mientras hubo varias instancias de abuso de los americanos nativos por nuestros antecesores, (como el Camino de Lágrima de la Nación Cheroke), Dios puso su estampa de aprobación en el programa general de migración aquí, a través de milagros como la evacuación de la tierra, en la que los Pioneros se asentaron, a causa de la peste, sólo dos años antes de que ellos llegaran; el tiempo suficiente para que la enfermedad se extinguiera, pero no tanto para que los colindantes nativos desarrollaran el valor de establecerse en el área.

Another great miracle of God's provision for those first Pilgrim immigrants was the preparation of Squanto, captured from that same decimated tribe years before the pestilence, trained in Spain and England, and then brought back to his empty homeland just before the Pilgrims arrived ­ just in time to show them -- in English, and as a Christian -- how to work the land.

Otro gran milagro de la provisión de Dios para los primeros Pioneros inmigrantes fue la preparación de Squanto, capturado en la misma diezmada tribu años antes de la peste, entrenado en España e Inglaterra, y entonces lo trajo de vuelta a su vacía patria justo antes de que los Pioneros llegaran, a tiempo de enseñarles-en inglés y como cristiano-cómo trabajar la tierra.

While skirmishes between natives and settlers were bitter and many, the Oneida Indians helped George Washington defeat the British in the Battle of Oriskany, New York, August 6, 1777, one of the bloodiest conflicts of the Revolution ­ a landmark battle which forced the British to change their war strategy. .

Mientras las escaramuzas entre nativos y establecidos eran amargas y muchas, los Indios de Oneida ayudaron a George Washington a defenderse de los británicos en la batalla de Oriskany, el 6 de agosto de 1777 en Nueva York, uno de los más sangrientos conflictos de la Revolución, el cual obligó a los británicos a cambiar su estrategia de guerra.

(Sources: "American Heritage", May 2004, p. 6; World Book Encyclopedia, "Five Nations" and "St. Leger, Barry", 1958.)

(Fuentes: "Herencia Americana", Mayo 2004, página 6; Enciclopedia del Mundo, "Cinco Naciones" y "San Leger Barry", 1958.)

God has made a habit of helping people migrate to new lands. Amos 9:7 "Are ye not as children of the Ethiopians unto me, O children of Israel? saith the LORD. Have not I brought up Israel out of the land of Egypt? and the Philistines from Caphtor, and the Syrians from Kir?"

Dios ha hecho un hábito de ayudar a la gente a migrar a nueva tierras. Amos 9:7 "¿No son los hijos de Etiopía hijos míos o hijos de Israel?, dijo el Señor. ¿No he llevado a Israel fuera de la tierra de Egipto y a los filisteos de Caphtor y a los sirios de Kir?"

For many generations the migration continued, from all over the world. There were temporary ghettos and occasional prejudice with new waves of arrivals, but there were no laws restricting anyone from coming, and certainly no laws against anyone working! They assimilated quickly and their national identity became "Americans first".

Para muchas generaciones, la migración continuó por todo el mundo. Hubo ghettos temporales y ocasionales prejuicios con las nuevas olas de arribos, pero no hubo leyes que restringieran a nadie de venir y, ciertamente, tampoco las hubo en contra de que alguien trabajara. Ellos asimilaron rápidamente y su identidad nacional se convirtió en "los americanos primero".

In the beginning, our ancestors remembered their roots, which made them sympathetic with those who followed in their footsteps. It was very natural for them to remember and revere the Scriptures which said, Exodus 22:21 "Thou shalt neither vex a stranger [foreigner], nor oppress him: for ye were strangers [foreigners] in the land of Egypt." 23:9 "Also thou shalt not oppress a stranger: for ye know the heart of a stranger, seeing ye were strangers in the land of Egypt." Leviticus 19:34 "But the stranger that dwelleth with you shall be unto you as one born among you, and thou shalt love him as thyself; for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt: I am the LORD your God." Deuteronomy 10:19 "Love ye therefore the stranger [foreigner]: for ye were strangers [foreigners] in the land of Egypt." Luke 3:11 "He that hath two coats, let him impart to him that hath none; and he that hath meat, let him do likewise."

En el principio, nuestros antepasados recordaron sus raíces, las cuales los hicieron comprensivos con aquéllos que siguieron su ejemplo. Fue muy natural para ellos recordar y reverenciar las Escrituras que decían: "No debes ni molestar ni oprimir a ningún extranjero porque ustedes fueron extranjeros en la tierra de Egipto", Éxodo 22:21; "Tampoco ellos deben oprimir a ningún extraño porque ustedes conocen el corazón de un extranjero, viendo que fueron extranjeros en la tierra de Egipto", Éxodo 23:9. En el libro del Levítico 19:34 se lee: "Pero el extraño que habita contigo debe estar junto a ti como alguien que nació entre los tuyos, y ellos deben amarlo como a sí mismos; porque fueron extranjeros en la tierra de Egipto. Yo soy el Señor, tu Dios". Deuteronomio 10:19: "Amen por lo tanto al extranjero porque fueron extranjeros en la tierra de Egipto". Lucas 3:11: "El que tenga dos abrigos, que de uno; y el que tiene carne que haga lo mismo".

Our ancestors readily obeyed God's commandment to place no legal burden, through discriminatory laws, upon fresh immigrants which were not borne equally by their own second, third, and more settled generations. Exodus 12:49 "One law shall be to him that is homeborn, and unto the stranger that sojourneth among you." Leviticus 24:22 "Ye shall have one manner of law, as well for the stranger, as for one of your own country: for I am the LORD your God." Numbers 15:16 "One law and one manner shall be for you, and for the stranger that sojourneth with you." Numbers 15:29 "Ye shall have one law for him that sinneth through ignorance, both for him that is born among the children of Israel, and for the stranger that sojourneth among them."

Nuestros antepasados de buena gana obedecieron el mandamiento de Dios de no poner carga legal a través de leyes discriminatorias para los inmigrantes, las cuales no fueren iguales para su segunda, tercera y más generaciones. Éxodo 12:49: "Una ley debe ser para él lo que es su patria y para el extranjero que está entre ustedes". Levítico 23:22: "Debes tener una forma de ley tanto para el extraño como para uno de los tuyos porque Yo soy el Señor, tu Dios". Números 15:16: "Una ley y una actitud deben ser para ti y para el extranjero está contigo". Números 15:29: "Debes tener una ley para el que pecó por ignorancia, tanto para él que nació entre los hijos de Israel como para el extraño que vive entre ellos".

Except, of course, for slaves.

Excepto, por supuesto, para los esclavos.

The Civil War was the terrible price America paid for its irreverence for fellow human beings created in the Image of God. Wasn't the price great enough? The irreverence which could no longer be vented fully on Blacks was, after the war, vented in smaller measure on many races.

La Guerra Civil fue el terrible precio que América pagó por su irreverencia para con sus compañeros creados a la Imagen de Dios. ¿No fue suficiente este precio? La irreverencia, la cual no podría ser ventilada completamente para los hombres de color, fue, después de la guerra, ventilada en menor medida sobre muchas razas.

"Between 1860 and 1885 8 million immigrants arrived in America. [At first they came mostly] from Northern and Western Europe. [Then from] Southern and Eastern...Europe....this resulted in...A law passed in 1875 [that] brought to an end almost 100 years of open borders. The first racial law, The Chinese Exclusion Act, was enacted in May 1882 to bar Chinese laborers....Japanese immigrants...were forbidden to buy or lease land in California and Texas. ...Later...they were excluded by law from entry as immigrants. ...Chinese were at first welcomed as unskilled laborers. ...As their numbers grew, however, they were perceived as a threat to native labor...racist sentiment increased. Chinese were subjected to various discriminatory laws..." (Immigration and American Life Graphing Immigration Data, by Mary Elizabeth Jones, Yale-New Haven Teachers Institute.)

"Entre 1860 y 1885, 8 millones de inmigrantes llegaron a América. (Primero vinieron principalmente) del Noroeste y el Oeste Europeo. (Luego de) Sureste y EsteEuropaesto resultó enuna ley aprobada en 1875 (que) llevó a su fin al menos 100 años de fronteras abiertas. La primera ley racial, El Acta China de Exclusión, fue promulgada en mayo de 1882 para prohibir las labores Chinasinmigrantes japonesestuvieron prohibido comprar o arrendar tierra en California y Texas. Despuésellos fueron excluidos por ley de entrar como inmigrantes. Los chinos fueron bien recibidos como trabajadores no calificados. Sus números crecieron, sin embargo, ellos fueron percibidos como una amenaza para el trabajo americano el sentimiento racista se incrementó. Los chinos fueron sometidos a varias leyes discriminatorias" (Inmigración y la Vida Americana en Gráficas, por Mary Elizabeth Jones, Instituto para Maestro de Yale-New Haven).

What irony that about this time, France gave us the Statue of Liberty! Years in preparation before the 1982 act, it was presented to the Minister of the United States in Paris, on July 4, 1884, brought to the U.S., and unveiled October 28, 1886. (World Book Encyclopedia, 1958.)

¡Qué ironía que acerca de ese tiempo, Francia nos dio la Estatua de la Libertad! Años de preparación antes del acta de 1982, fue presentada al Ministro de los Estados Unidos en París, el 4 de julio del 1884, y la trajeron aquí y la develaron el 28 de octubre de 1886. (Enciclopedia Mundial, 1958).

In fact, 1884 was only 13 years after France had become a Republic again, after a century of revolution and Napoleons. The Statue of Liberty recognized the open borders America had offered until that time. (Of course, the 1882 law was passed well after construction on the statue had begun.)

De hecho, 1884 fue solamente 13 años después de que Francia se había convertido otra vez en República, luego de un siglo de revolución y de Napoleón. La Estatua de la Libertad reconoció que las fronteras abiertas de América se habían ofrecido hasta ese entonces. (Por supuesto, la ley de 1882 fue aprobada después de la construcción de la estatua que se había iniciado).

The "Immigration...Data" report continues: "In 1908 the San Francisco Board of Education attempted to place all Japanese children, native and foreign born, in a segregated Oriental school in Chinatown. A protest from the Japanese ambassador led the school board to rescind the order. However, a Gentleman's Agreement obtained by President Theodore Roosevelt caused Japan to pledge that it would halt further immigration of its citizens to the U.S."

El libro de "Datos de Inmigración" continúa diciendo: "En 1908, el Buró de Educación de San Francisco intentó colocar a todos los niños japoneses, nativos y extranjeros, en una escuela oriental segregada en Chinatown. Una protesta del embajador japonés condujo a este buró a rescindir la orden. Sin embargo, un Acuerdo de Caballeros obtenida por el Presidente Teodoro Roosevelt provocó que Japón se comprometiera a que detendría una inmigración posterior de sus ciudadanos a Estados Unidos".

The picture for black immigrants, whether from Africa or the Caribbean, was not so rosy.

El cuadro para inmigrantes de color, ya fuera de África o del Caribe, no fue tan color de rosa.

1908 was also the year "The New Colossus", by Emma Lazarus, was inscribed on the pedal of the Statue of Liberty:

1908 fue también el año en que Emma Lazarus escribió el poema "El Nuevo Coloso" y éste fue inscrito a los pies de la Estatua de la Libertad:

Not like the brazen giant of Greek fame, With conquering limbs astride from land to land; Here at our sea-washed, sunset gates shall stand A mighty woman with a torch, whose flame Is the imprisoned lightning, and her name Mother of Exiles. From her beacon-hand Glows world-wide welcome; her mild eyes command The air-bridged harbor that twin cities frame. "Keep ancient lands, your storied pomp!" cries she With silent lips. "Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send these, the homeless, tempest-tost to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door!"

No como el broncíneo gigante de helénica fama, con sus conquistadores miembros de tierra a tierra encajados; aquí en nuestro crepúsculo del mar bañado, puentes se afirmarán. Poderosa mujer con antorcha, cuya flama es a los prisioneros luz, y Madre de los Exilios es su nombre. En su mano el faro refulge a todo el mundo la bienvenida, de sus suaves ojos bajo el mando. Y en el aire tendido el puerto, puente que mellizales ciudades fragua. "Guarden sus antiguas tierras, sus historiadas pompas", ella grita. "Denme a mí sus fatigados, sus pobres, sus abigarradas masas, anhelantes de libre respirar, los miserables rechazados de sus prolíficas costas. Envíen a esos, a los desahuciados, arrójenlos a mí, ¡que yo elevo mi faro junto a la dorada puerta!"

Should we take the poem as a tribute to what we once were? Or as an ideal inspiring us to rise above what we have become?

¿Deberíamos tomar el poema como un tribute a lo que alguna vez fuimos, o como un ideal que nos inspira a levantarnos por encima de lo que nos hemos convertido?

But despite the barriers our ancestors placed in the road of immigrants following in their very own footsteps, immigrants jumped our hurdles and helped make our nation strong, as President Bush pointed out January 7, 2004: (he may have exaggerated how much America "welcomed" its immigrants, but compared with the rest of the world, Lady Liberty still shines brightest here):

Pero a pesar de los obstáculos, nuestros antepasados ubicaron en el camino de los inmigrantes siguientes sobre sus particulares huellas, los inmigrantes saltaron nuestras vallas y ayudaron a hacer nuestra nación más fuerte, tal y como lo señaló el Presidente Bush el 7 de enero del 2004: (puede haber exagerado en cuánto América "bien recibe" a sus inmigrantes, pero comparado con el resto del mundo, la Dama Libertad aún brilla más fuerte aquí):

"Every generation of immigrants has reaffirmed the wisdom of remaining open to the talents and dreams of the world. And every generation of immigrants has reaffirmed our ability to assimilate newcomers -- which is one of the defining strengths of our country.

"Cada generación de inmigrantes ha reafirmado la sabiduría de mantenerse abierta a los talentos y sueños del mundo. Y cada generación de inmigrantes ha reafirmado nuestra capacidad de asimilar a los recién llegados-lo cual es una de las definiciones de fuerza de nuestro país.

"During one great period of immigration -- between 1891 and 1920 -- our nation received some 18 million men, women and children from other nations. The hard work of these immigrants helped make our economy the largest in the world. The children of immigrants put on the uniform and helped to liberate the lands of their ancestors. One of the primary reasons America became a great power in the 20th century is because we welcomed the talent and the character and the patriotism of immigrant families.

"Durante un largo periodo de inmigración-entre 1891 y 1920-nuestra nación recibió unos 18 millones de hombres, mujer y niños de otras naciones. El duro trabajo de estos inmigrantes ayudó a hacer de nuestra economía la más grande en el mundo. Los hijos de inmigrantes se pusieron la camiseta y ayudaron a liberar las tierras de sus antepasados. Una de las razones principales para que América se convirtiera en un gran poder en el siglo 20 es que recibimos el talento, la personalidad y el patriotismo de las familias inmigrantes.

"The contributions of immigrants to America continue. About 14 percent of our nation's civilian workforce is foreign-born. Most begin their working lives in America by taking hard jobs and clocking long hours in important industries. Many immigrants also start businesses, taking the familiar path from hired labor to ownership."

"Las contribuciones de los inmigrantes para América continúan. Cerca del 14 por ciento de nuestra fuerza de trabajo civil es de extranjeros. La mayoría empieza sus vidas laborales en América tomando trabajos difíciles y permaneciendo largas horas en industrias de renombre. Muchos inmigrantes también empiezan negocios tomando el camino familiar desde la que contrataron la labor de la propiedad".

The Present. Immigration, Abortion, Social Security.

El Presente. Inmigración, Aborto y Seguro Social

Since 1973, irreverence for fellow human beings created in the Image of God found a vent even wider than the slavery of a century before. Then, an entire class of people was "merely" enslaved. Now they are murdered.

Desde 1973, la irreverencia de algunos seres humanos, creados a imagen y semejanza de Dios, encontraron una rejilla más ancha que la de la esclavitud de un siglo antes. Entonces, una clase de gente fue "simplemente" esclavizada. Ahora ellos son asesinados.

From that time to this, Americans have slain roughly 50 million of the most innocent among us. (We have to rely for most of our figures on the killers themselves.) One direct result of this dramatic population reduction in our 0-30 age bracket, is that the generation that allowed this to happen faces retirement with the likelihood of a Social Security collapse unless decisive steps are taken soon, which is by no means a certainty.

Desde aquel tiempo a éste, los americanos han asesinado brutalmente a 50 millones de inocentes entre nosotros. (Tenemos que dar fe para la mayoría de nuestras cifras sobre los asesinos). Un resultado directo de esta dramática reducción en la población, en el rango de 0-30 años, es que la generación que permitió que esto pasara, enfrenta el retiro con la probabilidad de un colapso en el Seguro Social a menos que pasos decisivos sean tomados pronto, lo cual no por lo que implica es una certeza.

(Current Social Security taxes are enough to pay for social security benefits with enough left over to bail out a nice chunk of our out-of-control budget. But as our median population ages ­ because 50 million youth have been subtracted from the American population ­ excess Social Security funds are reduced. 2018 is the projected year Social Security payments will equal Social Security taxes. After that the burden of the elderly upon the too few younger taxpayers will steadily become prohibitive. "...the number of retirees will shoot up, hitting 49 per 100 by 2040 and fast turning surpluses into large and growing deficits. The federal government, meanwhile, has already spent the surpluses from past years....By 2045 its projected deficit will approach 2% of gross domestic product....[Social Security] 'is seriously underfunded and financially unsustainable in the long run,' declared Treasury Secretary John Snow".

(Los impuestos actuales del Seguro Social son suficientes para pagar por los beneficios de éste y con suficiente margen para pagar la fianza de un buen trozo de nuestro descontrolado presupuesto. Pero como nuestra población de mediana edad porque 50 millones de jóvenes han sido sustraídos de la población americana, los fondos del Seguro Social son reducidos. El 2018 es el año proyectado en el que los pagos del Seguro Social serán iguales a sus impuestos. Después de eso, la carga de las personas mayores sobre la de algunos jóvenes contribuyentes se convertirá constantemente en prohibitiva. "el número de retiros se disparará, golpeando al 49 por ciento para el 2040 y girando los excedentes dentro de un largo y creciente déficit. El gobierno federal, mientras tanto, tiene que gastar los excedentes de años pasados Para el 2045 su proyectado déficit se aproximará al 2 por ciento del producto interno bruto (El Seguro Social) 'está seriamente sobre financiado y financieramente insostenible en el largo camino', declaró el Secretario del Tesoro, John Show".

"Last week the trustees who look after Social Security warned that it faces a long term unfunded liability of almost $4 trillion." Wall Street Journal, "How 'Fixing' Social Security Might Hit You", by Greg Ip, 3/28/04.

"La semana pasada los fideicomisarios se dieron cuenta de que después de que el Seguro Social advirtió esto, se enfrenta a un largo término de sobre financiamiento de al menos 4 trillones de dólares". Periódico Wall Stree, "¿Cómo 'Arreglar' el Seguro Social Golpeándote?", por Grez Ip. 3/28/04.

Dick Armey, former House Majority leader and chairman of Citizens for a Sound Economy, said: "As the Chief Actuary of the Social Security administration has shown, [in the just-released Social Security Trustees Report], with Personal Retirement Accounts it is possible to pay promised benefits without raising taxes, while allowing today's workers to build a reliable source of income and wealth for their retirement years." March 23, 2004.

Dick Armey, anterior líder de la House Majority y presidente de Ciudadanos por la Economía, dijo: "Como el Actuario en Jefe de la administración del Seguro Social ha mostrado, (en el apenas presentado reporte de Seguridad Social de Fideicomisarios), con las Cuentas de Retiro Personal es posible pagar los beneficios prometidos sin elevar los impuestos, mientras se permite que los trabajadores actuales construyan una fuente rentable de ingreso y bienestar para sus años de retiro". Marzo 23 del 2004.

How serious is the problem? The Wall Street Journal article talks as if a couple of percent here or there could fix it. "Raising the current worker-employer tax of 12.4% to 14.3% would keep the system balanced for 75 years." Or, stop indexing benefits to the average wage; instead, index benefits to inflation, which grows 1% to 1.5% slower than wages. Of course, this would mean someone born in 2002 would receive benefits that are 41% lower.

¿Qué tan grave es el problema? El artículo del Wall Street Journal dice que un par de por cientos aquí o allá podría arreglarlo. "Elevar el actual impuesto trabajador-empresario del 12.4% al 14.3% mantendría al sistema balanceado por 75 años". O detener la indexación de los beneficios al promedio salarial en lugar de indexarlos a la inflación, lo cual crece del 1% al 1.5% más lento que los salarios. Por supuesto, esto significaría que alguien nacido en el 2002 recibiría beneficios que son 41% más bajos.

The article takes into account the impact on government budgets only of social security benefits, ignoring the fact that by 2040, only half the population will be taxpayers, making the cost of infrastructure and services almost twice as high proportionate to population.

El artículo toma dentro de la cuenta, el impacto en los presupuestos del gobierno solamente de los beneficios del seguro social, ignorando el hecho de que para el 2040, solamente la mitad de la población será contribuyente, haciendo del costo de la infraestructura y los servicios al menos el doble de altos en proporción de la población.

God in His Mercy was willing to replace those unloved slain infant souls with an equal number of ready-made workers ­ not helpless babies so "hard to love" because they can't take care of themselves, but workers ready and anxious to plug right into those social security siphons and start building up those "reserves".

Dios, en Su Misericordia, fue deseando reemplazar a aquéllas almas infantes sin amor y asesinadas con un número igual de trabajadores, no como bebés indefensos tan "difíciles de amar" porque no pueden cuidarse a sí mismos, sino trabajadores listos y ansiosos de encajar en esos sifones de seguridad social y empezar a construir sus "reservas".

God created a win-win solution for everyone. To the bloody generation, He said "You have slain the generation I had created to care for you in your sunset years. But I have raised up souls to replace them who are easier to love because they work hard for low pay so you can make a lot of money off them! Love them, and you may still live!"

Dios creó una solución ganar-ganar para cada uno. A la generación sangrienta, El dijo: "Has asesinado a la generación que Yo he creado para cuidar de ti en tus años de ocaso. Sin embargo, Yo he levantado a las almas para reemplazarlas por ellos que son más fáciles de amar porque trabajan duro por poca paga, entonces tú puedes hacer mucho dinero a su costa. ¡Ámalos, y puedes seguir vivo todavía!".

Meanwhile, to the Hispanics living in poverty and oppression, He said, "I give thee great and goodly cities, which thou buildedst not, And houses full of all good things, which thou filledst not, and wells digged, which thou diggedst not, vineyards and olive trees, which thou plantedst not; [I]...the Lord...brought thee forth...from the house of bondage. [Deuteronomy 6:10] I bring you to a land where you are needed to fill the empty cities, lands, and furnished houses of its own choicest sons, slain by their own fathers and mothers!"

Mientras tanto, a los hispanos que viven en pobreza y opresión, Él les dijo: "Yo doy las grandes y buenas ciudades, las cuales no construyen, y casas llenas de todas las cosas buenas, las cuales no llenan, y bienes sembrados, los cuales no siembran, viñedos y olivos que no plantan; (Yo)el Señorlos traje de un lado a otrodesde la casa del cautiverio. (Deuteronomio 6:10) Yo te traje a la tierra en donde tú estás necesitado de llenar las ciudades vacías, las tierras y casa amuebladas de sus hijos elegidos, asesinados por sus propios padres y madres".

So the Hispanic population in the U.S. grew from 9.6 million in 1970 to 35.3 million in 2000, 58.5% of whom were Mexican.

Por lo tanto, la población hispana en los Estados Unidos creció de 9.6 millones en 1970 a 35.3 millones en el 2000, y el 58.5% son mexicanos.

(Source: Pew Study: "Immigration and American Life Graphing Immigration Data", by Mary Elizabeth Jones. Also, http://www.homeaccentstoday.com/CCHispanics.PDF)

(Fuente: Estudio: "Immigration and American Life Graphing Immigration Data", por Mary Elizabeth Jones. También, http://www.homeaccentstody.com/CCHispanics.PDF)

But the Hispanic population in the U.S. could not grow to replace all those slain, as God had provided, because the bloody generation posted guards along its borders to keep Hispanics OUT! That's right, ready-made hard-working taxpayers were not easy enough for the bloody generation to love, after all! Americans made sure the would-be workers could not get welfare (while accusing them of mooching off welfare) and even made it illegal for them to work! In fact, Americans even called them "illegals"!

Pero la población hispana en los Estados Unidos no podría crecer para reemplazar a todos esos asesinados, como Dios ha dicho, porque la generación sangrienta puso guardias a lo largo de sus fronteras para ¡mantener a los hispanos FUERA! Eso es correcto, a los contribuyentes "listos para hacer el trabajo duro" no les fue suficiente la generación sangrienta para amar, después de todo. Los americanos aseguraron el "serían trabajadores" y no pudieron dar ayuda (mientras los acusan de tomar el subsidio) e incluso hicieron ilegal para ellos el derecho de trabajar. ¡De hecho, los americanos hasta los llamaron "ilegales"!

The Americans said, "Behold, the people of the children of the Spanish are more and [are growing politically] mightier than we: Come on, let is deal wisely with them; lest they multiply, and it come to pass, that, when there falleth out any election, they join also unto our enemies, and vote against us, not caring about our great heritage." (Adapted from Exodus 1:9-10)

Los americanos dijeron, "vea, la gente de los niños del español es más y [están creciendo político] más poderosa que nosotros: Adelantado, deje es reparto sabiamente con ella; a fin de se multipliquen, y venga pasar, que, cuando hay una elección, ensambla también a nuestros enemigos, y voto contra nosotros, no cuidando sobre nuestra gran herencia." (adaptado del éxodo 1:9-10)

Though Americans had the wealthiest civilization in the world, which one would think would give them understanding of what creates wealth, they imagined that additional wage earners would only compete with their own ability to earn, forgetting that every wage earner is also a consumer, and that civilization is the personification of cooperation, consisting of citizens sharing little bits of their talents with their neighbors in exchange for a share of their neighbors' talents! They imagined that if they could artificially depress the wages of their Hispanic neighbors below their actual value, that they themselves could be wealthier. They forgot how the same mentality a century and a half before had actually impoverished the South by allowing neither reward nor opportunity for human ingenuity and invention, artificially depressing the output of human beings to nearly that of animals.

Aunque los americanos tuvieron la más próspera civilización en el mundo ­lo cual uno podría pensar darles a ellos el entendimiento de qué crea prosperidad-ellos imaginaron que personas adicionales ganando un sueldo solamente competiría con su propia capacidad de ganar, olvidando que cada asalariado es también un consumidor, y que la civilización es la personificación de la cooperación, consistente en ciudadanos compartiendo un poco de sus talentos con sus vecinos en intercambio para que sus vecinos, a la vez, compartan con ellos sus propios talentos. Ellos imaginaron que si podrían artificialmente deprimir los salarios de sus vecinos hispanos debajo de su actual valor, que ellos mismos podrían ser más prósperos. Ellos olvidaron cómo la misma mentalidad de hace un siglo y medio de hecho empobreció al sur, permitiendo que no hubiera recompensa ni oportunidad para la ingenuidad e invención humana, artificialmente deprimiendo la producción de los seres humanos vistos casi como animales.

Yet God put within Hispanic hearts such desire to come and save the generation that slew its heirs, that they came in droves, at great risk to their own lives, many losing their lives in desperate, cruel border crossings. That is the only way the Hispanic population could grow as God had provided. And grow it did! By 25 million in 30 years. That was only half the number of native babies slain, but in order to get even 25 million here, about half of those had to come and live as "illegals".

Dios puso en el corazón de los hispanos el deseo de venir y salvar a la generación que asesinó a sus herederos que vinieron en manadas, en un gran riesgo para sus propias vidas, muchos perdiéndolas en un desesperado y cruel cruce de fronteras. Esa es la única manera de que la población hispana podría crecer como Dios ha dicho. ¡Es más, creció a 25 millones en 30 años! Eso fue solamente la mitad del número de bebés americanos asesinados, sin embargo en orden de obtener 25 millones aquí, cerca de la mitad de aquellos que han venido y vivido como "ilegales".

Nevertheless the 25 million were only half enough to save the bloody generation, and half of those were tragically restrained from benefiting the economy, by being classified as "illegals" which reduced their opportunity to share their talents and realize their potential, to nearly the level of the slaves which preceded them a century before.

No obstante los 25 millones fueron solamente la mitad necesaria para salvar a la generación sangrienta, y la mitad de aquéllos que fueron trágicamente restringidos del beneficio de la economía, siendo clasificados como "ilegales", lo cual redujo su oportunidad de compartir sus talentos y realizar su potencial, tan cercano al nivel de los esclavos que los precedieron un siglo antes.

But God was merciful again. He prepared Hispanics already here to grow to the numbers needed, since the required numbers were not able to cross the border. He gave Hispanic families more children than other demographic groups. (Abortion, after all, is still illegal in Mexico. Murdering their young is not yet part of their culture.) 59% of Hispanic households were given at least one child under 18, and by 2000, 31% of Hispanic households numbered five or more persons.

Pero una vez más se hizo presente la misericordia de Dios. El preparó a los hispanos para que aumentaran el número necesitado, desde que las cifras requeridas no fueron capaces de cruzar la frontera. El dio a las familias hispanas más hijos que a otros grupos demográficos. (El aborto, después de todo, es todavía ilegal en México. Asesinar a su juventud no es aún parte de su juventud). El 59% de los hogares hispanos tuvieron al menos un hijo menos a los 18, y en el año 2000, el 31% de estos hogares tiene cinco o más personas.

(Source: http://www.homeaccentstoday.com/CCHispanics.PDF)

(Fuente: http://www.homeaccentstoday.com/CCHispanics.PDF)

God said, "Love these. I give you children which others will love and nurture since you don't want to. There, I give you all the delight of children, and none of the responsibilities! Can you love these? Allow these to live among you, and when you are old you may still live."

Dios dijo: "Ama a estos. Te doy hijos que otros amarán y nutrirán cuando no quieras hacerlo. Allá, te doy todo el placer de los hijos y ninguna de las responsabilidades. ¿Puedes amar a estos? Permíteles vivir entre los tuyos y, cuando seas viejo, puedes seguir vivo".

But the Americans fought back against their own salvation! They fought great battles in Congress to drive back the half of the new Hispanics called "illegals", not minding the harm to their immediate economy, not to mention the future economy of their sunset years!

¡Sin embargo los americanos pelearon en contra de su propia salvación! Ellos dieron grandes batallas en el Congrego para regresar a la mitad de los nuevos hispanos llamados "ilegales", sin preocuparles el daño a su economía inmediata y sin mencionar el futuro económico de sus años de ocaso.

What therefore shall the Lord of the nations do unto them? He shall come and destroy these leaders, and shall give the nation to others. And we who hear this warning pray, "God forbid!" (Adapted from Luke 20:15-16.)

¿Qué, por lo tanto, debe el Señor de las naciones hacer dentro de ellos? El debe venir y destruir a todos esos líderes, y debe darle otros a la nación. En adición, nosotros oímos esta advertencia: "¡Dios prohíbe!". (Adaptado de Lucas 20:15-16).

"Some time between 2005 and 2010 Hispanics will surpass blacks and become the dominant minority...according to The Official Guide to Racial & Ethnic Diversity." (Immigration and American Life Graphing Immigration Data, by Mary Elizabeth Jones.)

"En algún momento entre 2005 y 2010, los hispanos superarán a la gente de color y se convertirán en la minoría dominante de acuerdo a la Guía Oficial de la Diversidad Étnica y Racial". (Immigration and American Life Graphing Immigration Data, por Mary Elizabeth Jones).

In almost the same time frame and proportion that the retired bloody generation will become an impossible burden to the relatively few younger taxpayers supporting them, Hispanics will become an important voting block. Their votes will affect the level of patience of younger U.S. taxpayers with the bloody retired generation. Their votes will influence the point at which the young will tire of killing themselves for old "useless eaters" who might, after all, have more "dignity" if they were "euthanized".

Casi en el mismo tiempo y proporción en que la retirada generación sangrienta se convertirá en una carga imposible para algunos contribuyentes relativamente jóvenes, los hispanos se convertirán en un importante bloque de voto. Sus votos afectarán el nivel de paciencia de los jóvenes contribuyentes americanos con la sangrienta generación. Sus votos influirán hasta el punto en el que la juventud se cansará de matarse a sí mismos por "inservibles comedores" quienes pueden, después de todo, tener más "dignidad", si ellos murieran por eutanasia.

Will Hispanic sympathies lie with the American voters who made it a crime for them to work ­ who called them "illegals"?

¿Las consideraciones hispanas mentirán con los votantes americanos que hicieron un crimen para ellos trabajar y que los han llamado "ilegales"?

Remember that about this time, the children of "illegal aliens", born in the U.S. and therefore citizens, will be old enough to vote.

Recuerda esto sobre este tiempo, los hijos de los "extranjeros ilegales", nacidos en Estados Unidos y, por lo tanto, ciudadanos, tendrán la edad suficiente para votar.

Will Hispanic sympathies lie with a generation which has done everything in its power to avoid sharing its blessings with the "illegal" families and countrymen of the new Hispanic majority?

¿Las consideraciones hispanas le mentirán a una generación que ha hecho todo lo que está en sus manos para evitar compartir sus bendiciones con las familias "ilegales" y los compatriotas de la nueva mayoría hispana?

Will Hispanic sympathies lie with the cruel elderly here whose votes shed so much blood and created so much oppression of the poor and downtrodden, South of the border?

¿Mentirán las consideraciones hispanas los crueles adultos mayores, cuyos votos derramaron tanta sangre y crearon tanta opresión para la pobre y enterrada frontera del sur?

Will Hispanic sympathies lie with the masters of the ruthless foreign policy based on irreverence for fellow human beings made in the Image of God?

¿Mentirán las consideraciones hispanas a los maestros de la implacable política extranjera basada en la irreverencia hacia los seres humanos que están hechos a imagen de Dios?

Will Hispanic sympathies lie with those who counted God's blessings as "just for us", haughtily refusing to share?

¿Mentirán los hispanos a aquellos que contaron las bendiciones de Dios sólo "para nosotros", rehusándose a compartirlas?

Or will Hispanic sympathies lie with their own elderly, back in Mexico and farther South, to whom they still send support?

Por otro lado, ¿los hispanos mentirán a sus propios adultos mayores, de regreso en México y lejos del Sur, a quienes todavía les envían ayuda?

One solution for future retirees could be to go live in Mexico, where a social security check will go a long, long way. But under current social security laws, benefits are no longer mailed after a retiree has left the U.S. for six months. It would save the social security system if retirees were allowed to go to Mexico and still receive half their benefits, which would still allow them to live comfortably. But will hard hearted Americans refuse that solution because it would also benefit Hispanics?

Una solución para los retiros futuros podría ser ir a vivir a México, en donde el seguro social tomará un largo, largo camino. Pero bajo las leyes actuales de éste, los beneficios no son enviados por correo después de que un retirado ha dejado los Estados Unidos luego de seis meses. Se salvaría el sistema del seguro social, si a los jubilados les fuera permitido ir a México y recibir aún la mitad de sus beneficios, lo que les permitiría vivir confortablemente. ¿Pero los americanos de duro corazón rehusarán esa solución porque también podría beneficiar a los hispanos?

But if that agreement is made, releasing a flood of U.S. retirees to Mexico desperate to pay their bills with falling benefits, will Mexican doors remain open to them? Will the Americans be perceived as undesirable refugees?

¿Sin embargo, si el acuerdo está hecho, liberando el flujo de jubilados de Estados Unidos a México, desesperados por pagar sus cuentas con los beneficios cayéndose, las puertas de México permanecerán abiertas para ellos? ¿Los americanos serán percibidos como indeseables refugiados?

It is not only concern for the poor that prompted Jesus to warn Luke 3:11 "...He that hath two coats, let him impart to him that hath none; and he that hath meat, let him do likewise." Jesus was also concerned for the giver. Because Jesus, the creator of ourselves and the universe, and our savior, constructed all things in such a way they are held together by our love for each other. Without love, things fall apart. Entire nations fall apart. Economies fall apart. Our hearts fall apart.

No es la única preocupación para el pobre que provocó a Jesús a advertir: (Lucas 3:11) "El que use dos abrigos, que de una parte al que no usa ninguno; y el que coma carne, que haga lo mismo". Jesús también estaba preocupado por el donador. Porque Jesús, el creador de nosotros y del universo, nuestro salvador, construyó todas las cosas de manera que ellos estuvieran juntos por el amor de los unos a los otros. Sin amor, las cosas se rompen. Las naciones enteras se quiebran. Las economías también. Nuestros corazones se desmoronan.

Luke 6:38 Give, and it shall be given unto you; good measure, pressed down, and shaken together, and running over, shall men give into your bosom. For with the same measure that ye mete withal it shall be measured to you again.

Will immigration make Christianity a minority?

¿La inmigración hace del Cristianismo una minoría?

Some of my Christian friends are concerned that so many immigrants are bringing with them religions that will undermine America. I want to address this even in the audience of nonChristians because, though rarely articulated publicly, I suspect it is behind some of the Republican anti-immigration feeling.

Algunos de mis amigos cristianos están preocupados de que tantos inmigrantes traigan consigo sus religiones que minarán a América. Quiero dirigir esto a la audiencia de los que no son cristianos porque, aunque raramente hablo públicamente, sospecho que está detrás de alguien el sentimiento Republicano anti inmigración.

How this could apply to Islam is well known. Many Muslems who have already attacked us are not shy about informing us that Islam tells them to do it.

¿Cómo podría esto aplicar al Islam como lo conocemos? Muchos musulmanes nos han atacado, pero no son tímidos acerca de informarnos sobre lo que el Islam les dice qué hacer.

For example, WorldNetDaily.com reported January 29 ("Group Cites Saudi Hate Tracts") that the Saudi Arabian government has its official stamp on literature distributed through mosques in the States, which tell Muslems living in the states to kill any Muslem who converts to another faith, to "behave as if on a mission behind enemy lines", and to punish Muslems who practice a moderate interpretation of Islam which embraces tolerance. For example, "Those who reside in the land of unbelief out of their own choice and deesire to be with the people of that land, accepting the way they are regarding their faith, or giving compliments to them, or pleasing them by pointing out something wrong with the Muslimss, they become unbelievers and enemies to Allah and his messenger." Or this warning to Muslims who accept Judaism or Christianity: "If you do not repent, you are an apostate and you should be killed because you have denied the Koran."

Por ejemplo, WorldNetDaily.com reportó, el 29 de enero, que el gobierno árabe tiene su sello oficial en la literatura distribuida a través de las mezquitas en los Estados Unidos. Esta literatura dice que los musulmanes que viven en los estados para matar a cualquier musulmán que se convierta a otra fe, "se comportan como si estuvieran en una misión detrás de líneas enemigas", y castigar a los musulmanes que practiquen una interpretación moderada del Islam que abraza la tolerancia. Por ejemplo, "Aquellos que residen en la tierra de la incredulidad por su propia decisión y deseo, aceptando la forma en que ellos viven su fe o haciéndoles cumplidos, o agradándoles por puntualizar algo que esté mal con los musulmanes, se convierten en incrédulos y enemigos de Alá y su mensajero". O, bien, esta advertencia para los musulmanes que aceptan el judaísmo o el cristianismo: "Si no te arrepientes, eres un renegado y deberías ser asesinado porque has negado al Corán".

Just two days later, WorldNetDaily.com reported that the New Jersey family, (man and wife and two daughters), found January 14 bound, gagged, and with their throats slashed, had been targeted for assassination previously on the Arabic website www.barsomyat.com, because the man had debated Muslims at PalTalk.com.

Solo dos días después, reportó que la familia de Nueva Jersey, (hombre y esposa con dos hijas), se encontró el 14 de enero amordazados y con las sus gargantas cortadas. Habían sido el blanco de un asesinato previamente anunciado en el sitio web árabe , porque el hombre había debatido el musulmán en www.paltalk.com

To those who wonder how this even applies to Mexican immigrants who are mostly Catholic, the reasoning is that quite a few Mexican Catholics are not like Catholics here: they are also into witchcraft. Indeed, right here in Des Moines, Iowa, the large Tienda Mexico supermarket has a section of candles with witchcraft pictures on them, and once over their video section I saw a large wall poster of Satan worshipers approaching a human sacrifice with knives in their hands and blood lust in their eyes.

A aquéllos que se preguntan cómo esto aplica a los inmigrantes mexicanos, que mayormente son católicos, la razón es que algunos mexicanos católicos no son como los católicos de aquí. Ellos también están dentro de la hechicería. De hecho, aquí en Des Moines, Iowa, la tienda más grande de México tiene una sección de velas con pinturas de brujería en ellas, y una vez sobre su sección de videos, observé un gran póster en la pared de los hombres del culto de Satán aproximándose a un sacrificio humano con cuchillos en sus manos y sangre en sus ojos.

Witchcraft is a religion of hate, in the sense that the powers it promises are not only powers of healing, but powers of cursing. To understand how such a mindset can devastate an economy, keeping its believers poor, just picture a salesman who, when things don't go right, starts praying for curses against those he must deal with. Not exactly the kind of personality you love to do business with, eh? Now reflect that economic prosperity, indeed civilization itself, relies on the sales relationship. We have to want to do business with each other, or we won't.

La brujería es una religión de odio, en el sentido de que los poderes que promete no son solamente poderes de sanación, sino poderes de maldición. Para entender cómo una secta puede devastar una economía, manteniendo a sus creyentes pobres, como la pintura de un vendedor que, cuando las cosas no van bien, comienza a rezar por maldiciones contra aquéllos que los que debe tratar. No es exactamente la clase de personalidad que amas para hacer negocios, ¿verdad? Ahora proyecta esa prosperidad económica, de hecho la civilización por sí misma, descansa en las relaciones humanas. Tenemos que querer hacer negocios con cada uno o no lo haremos.

I don't know how many share this concern, but it is a serious concern for those who have it, and worth addressing.

No sé cuántos comparten esta preocupación, pero es seria para aquéllos que la tienen y vale dirigirla.

It is rarely articulated because it is politically horrifying to even think it, and because of a feeling of helplessness: we can't even get Christian citisens to stop voting for policies hostile to Christianity! How are we ever going to manage foreigners? We wouldn't want to restrict anyone's freedom of religious expression, once they are citizens, because restrictions against their religious expression could not be written without affecting our own freedom of religious expression. So what can we do to save America?

Es raramente articulada porque es políticamente terrible pensar en ella, y por un sentimiento de impotencia: no podemos los ciudadanos cristianos detener el voto para las políticas hostiles contra el Cristianismo. ¿Cómo vamos a manejar a los extranjeros? No querríamos restringir la libertad de nadie para expresar su religión, una vez que son ciudadanos, porque las prohibiciones en contra de su religión no podrían ser escritas sin afectar nuestra propia libertad de religión. ¿Así que, qué podemos hacer para salvar a América?

We can address the problem indirectly, the reasoning goes, with quotas on immigration, on the assumption that the percentage of immigrants who are Christians is a little lower than the percentage of American citizens.

Podemos dirigir el problema indirectamente, el razonamiento va, con cuotas de inmigración, sobre asumir que el porcentaje de inmigrantes que son cristianos es menor que el porcentaje de ciudadanos americanos.

The pillars of our government and economy really are Christian in character as well as origin, and really will be destroyed if those pillars are too diluted. Not even freedom itself is important to other religions like it is Christianity. This has been made clear by Muslim terrorists in Iraq. But our reason for hope is that the most militant pagans are also human beings made in the image of God! We Christians understand the power of ideas from "the world" to dillute our own faith. May we not expect the same for others? May we not take comfort in our observation that when others of other faiths come here among us, they live like us? Even Muslims who move here, as the above story shows, have to be swatted back in line by their brothers back home whose bigotry is more pure. They may not profess Christianity yet, but they live by the Christian principles upon which our society is based, which really does add up to a different society from what they left.

Los pilares de nuestro gobierno y economía realmente son cristianos en personalidad como en origen, y realmente serán destruidos, si esos pilares son también diluidos. Ni siquiera la libertad por sí misma es importante para otras religiones como lo es el Cristianismo. Esto ha quedado claro para los terroristas musulmanes en Irak. Pero nuestra razón para esperar es que la mayoría de los militantes paganos también son humanos hechos a imagen y semejanza de Dios. Nosotros entendemos el poder de las ideas del "mundo" para diluir nuestra propia fe. ¿Podemos no esperar lo mismo de otros? ¿Podemos no tener consuelo en nuestra observación de que cuando otros de otra fe vienen aquí, ellos viven como nosotros? Incluso los musulmanes que vienen aquí, como los de las historias contadas arriba, tiene que ser aplastados en línea por sus hermanos. Ellos no puede profesar el Cristianismo, pero viven con los principios cristianos sobre los cuales nuestra sociedad está basada, y que hacen una sociedad diferente a la que ellos dejaron.

Of course the outnumbering of Christians by others is an accident waiting to happen. But what is the Biblical solution? To shut people out of our Christian land, in violation of every Biblical principle? The Biblical solution is to witness to them! It's as if we say "that's too hard! Much easier to send them back to their own lands where we don't have to witness to them!" But where does the Bible say we are relieved of the duty to witness to them if they are in another country?! As long as God commands us to witness to them anyway, isn't it much easier and safer to do it here, where they will not kill us for talking to them?!

Por supuesto, el superar en número de los cristianos por otros es un accidente que se espera ocurra. ¿Pero cuál es la solución Bíblica? ¿Lanzar a la agente de nuestra tierra cristiana, violando cada principio Bíblico? La solución de la Biblia es ser testigos de ellos. Es como si dijéramos: "¡Es muy difícil! Más fácil es regresarlos a sus países en donde no tenemos que testificar por ellos". ¿Pero en qué parte de la Biblia dice que hemos sido relevados de nuestra obligación de testificar para ellos si están en otro país? Hasta donde llegan los mandamientos de Dios, nosotros tenemos que testificar de cualquier manera. ¿No es mucho más fácil y seguro hacerlo aquí, donde no nos matarán por hablarles?

God really has blessed us with a wonderful opportunity here, a level playing field for ideas, where fraud may be vanquished not by the sword but by mere truth. It works so well, that we really don't need to fear even being outnumbered 10 to 1; as long as we can keep the forum open, then to the extent we grasp the truth ourselves, we are at no disadvantage.

Dios realmente nos ha bendecido con una maravillosa oportunidad aquí, en un campo de ideas, donde el fraude puede ser vencido no por la espada, sino con la verdad. Trabaja tan bien que realmente no necesitamos sentir miedo incluso de ser sobrepasados 10 a 1; tan pronto nosotros podamos mantener el foro abierto, podremos extender la verdad a nosotros mismos y no estamos en desventaja.

What we should fear is Christians who will not witness, and who vote for anti-Christian policies. In fact, we should fear when anyone of any faith forbears expressing the highest principles he knows, in favor of what he thinks others would rather hear. Our "level playing field for ideas" only works to the extent participants say what they really mean, and choose to do right, by their best light.

Lo que debemos tener es que los cristianos que no testificarán, y de quienes voten por políticas anti cristianas. De hecho, deberíamos temer cuando nadie de ninguna fe exprese sus altos principios a favor de lo que piensa que otros preferirían oír. Nuestro "nivel de ideas" solamente funciona para que los participantes digan lo que ellos realmente quiere decir, y elegir hacer lo correcto para su mejor iluminación.

Installments for Part One of a 21-installment series

Analyzing Options. Possible Configurations of the "Guest Worker Program"

1: "The name -- 'Guest Worker Program'" 1017words (103 intro w. headlines, 914 body)

2: "Legal Permanent Residency/Criteria" 1187 words (1084 body - use same intro as #1)

3: "Lifting Quotas - Inviting a Flood?/Welfare" 715 words (611 body)

4: "Length of Stay/Renewable 3 years." 801 words (697 body)

5. "Citizens Competing for Jobs with Immigrants" 596 words (492 body)

6. "Government Manipulation of Wages" 1261 words (1157 body)

7. "Cumbersome restrictions" 946 words (842 body)

8. "More Cumbersome restrictions/Are these flaws fatal?" 795 words (691 body)

9. "The Burdens of HR2899" 1811 words (1707 body)

10. "Enforcement Bureaucracy" 923 words (819 body)

11. "More Enforcement Bureaucracy Detail" 1118 words (1014 body)

12. "The Point System.../Fairness" 807 words (703 body)

13. "Does this sound like 'amnesty'?" 763 words (659 body)

Installments for Part Two

Myth Busters.

14. Myth #1: It helps to advocate shipping all the illegals South. 686 words (582 body, not counting source information which does not need to be published)

15. Myth #2: Illegal Aliens are breaking our welfare budget, and Bush's Amnesty would make it worse. 1152 words (1048 body)

16. Myth #2 continued: Illegal Aliens are busting our welfare budget, and hurting our Social Security. 827 words (723 body)

17. Myth #3: Illegal aliens work for less, competing with citizens, driving wages down, and Bush's plan would make it worse. Either illegal aliens go South, or our wages go South. 963 words (859 body)

18. Myth #4: Bush's plan would be an amnesty for lawbreakers, which undermines the Rule of Law. 876 words (772 body)

19. Myth #4 continued: Bush's amnesty for lawbreakers undermines the Rule of Law. The truth is that laws against helping neighbors destroy the Rule of Law. 646 words (542 body)

20. Myth #5: We will run out of land if we open up the doors any wider to immigration. 842 words (738 body)

21. Myth #6: Bush's plan would only make the national security nightmare, created by illegal aliens, worse. The INS can't keep track of the aliens we have already, not to mention the additional millions Bush wants to invite! 382 words (278 body)

22-? Part 3, "The Spiritual Stakes/Fixing Social Security", is not subdivided yet into installments. It is 3442 words.

Installment #1:

The Recipe for Perfect Immigration Policy

Congress scattered the ingredients across several bills

We can register every illegal, secure our borders, reduce INS caseloads, and fix Social Security, without driving down wages, taking citizens' jobs, straining welfare, or diminishing that quality of our character summed up in "love thy neighbor as thyself"

By Dave Leach. Dave Leach is listed in Marquis' Who's Who in Media and Communications.

The 2005-2006 Congress is beginning. Major immigration reform is likely. Congressmen will draw upon details of last year's immigration bills as they write new bills. It is time for national discussion of these potential details.

Introduction. (Part 1.)

We can meet our economic and security needs, without scratching off our historical offer to the world, from the base of our Statue of Liberty: "Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free...send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me...."

Congress is considering neither another amnesty, nor shipping every illegal alien South. There are other ways to dramatically alter the immigration landscape that deserve our attention.

This series analyzes three bills of the 2003-2004 Congress. The new Congress has begun assembling these details into new bills with new bill numbers. Quoted phrases and the old bill numbers will help computer users search for the details Congress will probably resurrect.

No one's first choice is another year of millions working illegally, knowing little English, working for substandard wages, not paying taxes but receiving taxpayer-funded services, with millions more dodging the INS to cross the border, providing cover for drug runners and terrorists.

No one's first choice is the children, who will become our next demographic majority, raised by millions of parents with limited understanding of the principles of our freedom, and no experience participating in its preservation.

We can have what we all want. But it is up to us.

We must have enough hope that if we reach out to take it, we can.

We must have enough suspicion that if decent, sensible Americans reach too slowly, others less wise, less honorable, will grab first, leaving America with what no one wants.

We must have clear enough vision to tell which problems actually exist, so that our reach for their solutions is not handicapped by myths that send critics barking up imaginary trees.

The Name for Reform. President Bush's title, "The Guest Worker Program", is useful as a wide umbrella for many possible configurations of details. It will probably be the name of whatever immigration law Congress comes up with, since Congress routinely changes bills from their start to their finish, without changing their names. Bush's statements are general enough that we cannot know for sure which details of which bills will not wind up in some future Guest Worker Program with the President's blessing.

"Amnesty" is a favorite label of critics of President Bush's "Guest Worker Program". The generality makes Bush's plan seem like more of a departure from existing law than it is. The general concept, of legally allowing immigrants to work in the states, for employers who have first tried to hire citizens, for a limited time, is not new.

President Bush would expand existing programs by opening them up to work of all kinds, by extending a worker's stay to six years, and by removing the currently low quotas (limits on how many workers may apply) -- though he would not legalize more immigration than the number of jobs unfilled by citizens

Legal Permanent Residency: The Prize for Obeying the Law.

Illegals want, very much, to work legally. They work very hard, for very long, to acquire the same rights we citizens take for granted. Hardly any prize would have more value to them than LPR (Legal Permanent Residency, known generally as the "green card", the step before citizenship). Therefore, the value of linking LPR opportunities to any immigration law reform is that, if done well, they create powerful positive incentives for today's 8-12 million illegal aliens to come out of the woodwork to apply for the program.

President Bush would not want "Guest Workers" who came here illegally to "gain an advantage over those who have followed the rules", meaning those who stayed out of the U.S. until they could apply for his Guest Worker Program from abroad. An example of an unfair advantage would be if illegals here could enroll in a Guest Worker program more easily than immigrants from abroad, and if the program led to LPR. That would create an incentive for immigrants abroad to come here illegally so they could more easily get in the program.

S1387 offers a "point system" capable of offsetting any unfair advantage for anyone.

One of the two bills most closely resembling Bush's plan, (the other is HR2899), S1387 would create a "point system" to be used in awarding LPR, although workers could not apply for LPR until they have finished their 3 years of work and returned to their home country. (Seasonal workers could stay only "270 days" per year; nonseasonal workers could stay three renewable "periods of 12 months each". At the end of the 3 years they would have to return home for "at least 6 months before readmission to the United States.")

S1645/HR3142 (a bill introduced in the Senate as S1645 and in the House as HR3142) permits workers to apply for LPR while they are in the program. The program only benefits agricultural workers, however, for renewable 10 month terms (between which they are "deportable" and have to return home unless they have applied for LPR).

In its favor, S1645/HR3142 had the largest number of cosponsors of any immigration bill in the 2003-2004 Congress: 110 in the House, and 62 in the Senate. (In other words, even before it is voted upon, that many Congressmen have publicly pledged their support for it.)

Ahead in this series: Part One - Analyzing Options. Possible Configurations of the "Guest Worker Program", Part Two - Myth Busters, Part Three - The Spiritual Stakes (Includes: fixing Social Security.)

Next issue: Criteria for Legal Permanent Residency.

Installment #2: (use the same headline and leader as installment #1)

Criteria for LPR (Legal Permanent Residency). (Part 2.)

If S1387's "point system" becomes law, "points" would be awarded to "guest workers" for:

* having "an employer sponsor",

* work quality as measured by "promotions or pay increases", (building a great resume)

* payment of taxes,

* mastery of English,

* education, and

* "whether the alien has refrained from illegal activity" (staying out of jail).

S1387 would allow a stay of up to 3 years at a time, and would turn the time into a probationary period during which workers would work hard both for their employers, and to educate themselves, to earn points towards the prize of LPR. Most of these points would not be available to illegals not in the program (having an employer sponsor, work quality, payment of taxes, and compliance with the law) which would motivate illegals to come out of hiding to join the program.

President Bush expanded, January 7, 2004, on the "education" he would like to see: "An understanding of what it means to be an American is not a formality in the naturalization process, it is essential to full participation in our democracy. My administration will examine the standard of knowledge in the current citizenship test. We must ensure that new citizens know not only the facts of our history, but the ideals that have shaped our history. Every citizen of America has an obligation to learn the values that make us one nation: liberty and civic responsibility, equality under God, and tolerance for others."

"Equality under God", Bush says. Our form of government, in three words. Equality of opportunity for all, because the New Testament commands us to love our neighbors as ourselves, and even the Old Testament tells us to apply the same law to the "stranger" (foreigner) as to citizens, remembering that "ye were strangers in the land of Egypt"; or, we might say today, "you would be the descendants of illegal aliens yourselves, had there been the quotas you impose on your Southern neighbors today, when your fathers came to America."

We are free because our Constitution protects "equality under God". We are prosperous because the principle of "love your neighbor as yourself", even when it is costly, infuses our very economy.

Americans admire businessmen who are more helpful than the love of money can account for, even after "service" becomes costly. Ruthlessness must hide, in America, or draw public contempt.

Service is one of the pillars of our politics, as well as our prosperity. We even call our leaders "public servants". We remove those who serve us poorly, when enough of us find out. It has not always been so, in other times and places. These expectations draw out better character in our leaders, which keeps us free. (Read "American Individualism" by President Herbert Hoover.)

Because not everyone understands the connection between our form of government, and our freedom and prosperity, it should be no surprise that some imagine we are just lucky, or our land has more resources or something, so it would be only fair if Mexico could take all that wealth back. It should be no wonder that some voices within the Mexican government are tempted to encourage such ignorance, in order to turn Mexican scrutiny away from their own corrupt bureaucracy which has created the poverty from which their own citizens flee!

Those who ignorantly covet the return of the Southwest to Mexico, don't seem to understand they would thereby only make the Southwest just another land from which to flee. But where people understand the connection between our form of government, and our freedom and prosperity, people understand that no government can rule a service-oriented, informed population; but rather such a population will rule its government.

Ignorance invites confrontation between America and militant Hispanics who do not understand the prosperity they want to seize. But not just the ignorance of militant Hispanics. The American Character is not modeled well by those who really think an honest day's work ought ever be considered, in America, "illegal".

Hispanic workers are no threat to America, but ignorance is. Ignorance is nurtured by the status quo, which critics of reform perpetuate. Much criticism of reform assumes any reform will only bring more Hispanics here who don't know English, and who don't understand the connection between our form of government, and the freedom and prosperity which has drawn them away from their home countries.

We have an opportunity for a perfect immigration policy which will create strong incentives to understand the pillars of freedom and prosperity. Our nation needs it.

However, if S1645/HR3142 becomes law as it is, none of S1387's point system criteria would apply: If an applicant manages to stay employed long enough, (575 hours or 100 work days during 12 consecutive months) and stays out of jail and off welfare, he's in. The powerful positive incentive of the prize of LPR would be given away almost free, without taking advantage of the opportunity to produce English-speaking, educated legal residents who understand the foundations of our freedoms.

"...whether the alien has refrained from illegal activity" should include compliance with immigration law, as President Bush said, but within reason. If an applicant loses too many points to qualify for LPR, by having been an illegal alien in the past, the estimated 8-12 million current illegal aliens will have little incentive to apply. Our national security will continue to suffer from the cover provided drug lords and terrorists by 10 million workers on the run from the law.

And yet, it is only fair to let aweighted "compliance with INS law" criteria affect enough points to offset the advantage current illegals would otherwise enjoy, because of their longer time to master English, over aliens who would apply for the program from abroad.

The criteria should distinguish between compliance with INS law before enactment of the law, and compliance after enactment. A worker who did not comply with INS law, before our new law is enacted, should suffer a loss of points about equal to his advantage in points for his mastery of English. A worker who still did not comply with INS law, for very long after the new law is enacted, would suffer more loss of points. A worker who does not leave the U.S. at the end of his legal years, not having yet qualified for LPR, should absolutely not receive LPR as long as he remains, and suffer further loss of points for as long as he overstays.

Next issue: Lifting Quotas - Inviting a Flood? & Welfare.

Lifting Quotas - Inviting a Flood? (Part 3.)

S1387, a bill in the 2003-2004 U.S. Senate, proposed a "point system" for evaluating LPR (Legal Permanent Resident) applicants, but it would not have raised LPR quotas, no matter how many points applicants earn. Therefore, should its provisions become law, they would motivate only a few illegals to join the program and compete against each other to become the brightest and best, in order to qualify under the unchanged quota levels which today are so low that the waiting list lasts decades.

The great majority of illegals will not be motivated to join, however, if they lack the confidence that they are the brightest and best. They will remain afraid to step forward, knowing that only a tiny percentage of truly qualified applicants would receive what they had earned, and that for the rest, stepping forward only guarantees them a ticket South every three years, with no assurance they will ever be allowed back North.

By contrast, S1645/HR3142 (the immigration bill with the most cosponsors) does not merely raise, but eliminates quotas for applicants. Every applicant who meets the bill's very low standards receives LPR.

However, If the raised immigration limits are combined with S 1387's citizenship point system, so that almost every Guest Worker who scores high would have a reasonable shot at a Green Card, today's "illegals" would scramble out of the shadows, and the work period would turn into a proving ground for the best quality citizens America could hope for, with the absolute minimum of bureaucracy.

The attractiveness of the program to illegals would be in proportion to its fairness and objectivity. The sufficient lifting of quotas would permit applicants to compete, not against each other, but only against the law's high standards. To the extent the score is objectively measurable, so that applicants could measure their own progress towards it during their work period, they would trust it, and flood out of the woodwork to try for it.

However, S 1387 would not allow Guest Workers to apply for a Green Card while they are a Guest Worker, but would require them to return to their home country before they could apply; HR 2899 and S1645/HR3142 would allow them to apply while they are here.

President Bush has not spoken of eliminating quotas, or of tying LPR acceptance to performance under his program, but he has called for raising the cap on legal immigration: "The citizenship line...is too long, and our current limits on legal immigration are too low. My administration will work with the Congress to increase the annual number of green cards that can lead to citizenship."

The number should be increased to "as many as can qualify, by objective criteria, as the best and brightest citizens America could ever ask for."

But would that create a flood that would gobble all our jobs, drive wages to the floor, and crowd our land unsustainably? Stay tuned.

Welfare.

Neither HR 2899 nor S 1387 would qualify Guest Workers for welfare. They would receive identification cards, but not the Social Security numbers required for welfare.

S1645/HR3142 would not only not qualify workers for welfare -- it would disqualify them for LPR if they receive any.

S1387 would actually deduct Social Security payments from workers' paychecks, but would not pay them out to workers until after they return to their home countries! Bush supports this detail. (This requires a change from the current Social Security policy that legitimate recipients of Social Security may no longer receive their benefits after they have been in a foreign country over six months.)

Next Issue: Length of Legal Temporary Residency.

Length of Legal Temporary Residency. (Part 4.)

President Bush calls for a 6-year maximum stay for his proposed Guest Worker Program which would legalize as many immigrants working in the U.S. as there are jobs unfilled by citizens.

HR2899 calls for one 3-year term, which can be renewed for a second 3 years.

S1387 proposes "270 days" per year for seasonal workers; nonseasonal workers would get 12-month renewable terms for a maximum of 3 years, after which the worker would have to return home for at least 6 months before "readmission" to the U.S.

S1645/HR3142 proposes 10 month terms of legal work, between which workers would have to return to their home countries if they do not apply for LPR. They qualify not only for temporary legal work but for LPR, if during a 6-year period their work has totaled at least 360 days, and if during any period of 3 consecutive years their work has totaled at least 240 days, and if during any 3 separate years their work has totaled 75 days. (Whew!)

HR 2899 and S1645/HR3142 would require their employers to pay for the ride back.

The only hope for Guest Workers of staying longer than their work period would be to apply for a green card during their work period. HR2899 would not make LPR any more likely. S1387 would not permit an application for LPR until after the worker has returned to his home country. Only S1645/HR3142 would allow an application during the work period, and by eliminating quotas for applications, LPR would be a sure thing.

Without the prize of LPR, why would illegals step forward for only 6 years (or fewer) of freedom only to then be sent back home? Why not rather remain in hiding, relying on the assistance of a few Hispanic groups and churches, so they can stay and raise families and put down roots?

If positive incentives for current illegals to obey the law are insufficient to motivate most of them to do so voluntarily, it is unrealistic to imagine the INS will suddenly become thousands of times more effective, and find all the rest, and deport them. Without strong positive incentives such as LPR opportunities, any Guest Worker program will simply become, as critics suggest, an invitation for a flood of immigrants to cross the border easily and legally, only to simply join our illegal population when the legal work period ends.

S1645/HR3142 is considerate of families. When a worker applies for LPR under S1645/HR3142, deportation would be put on hold, not only of himself but of his family.

Renewable 3 years. The 3 years of S1387, rather than the 10 months of S1645/HR3142, would be necessary, if the point system is used. If Congress only cares that LPR applicants can work, 10 months is enough. But if, in return for lifting quota limits to LPR applicants, Congress would like to encourage applicants to master English and understand freedom, workers will need longer than 10 months for those studies, on top of full time work in a strange land.

HR2899, which is similar to S1387, provides a renewable second 3-year period, but makes the worker travel back to his homeland before he can come back for the second 3 years. The benefit of this requirement, that justifies the overwhelming financial burden on the applicant for the transportation back and forth, is not clear. The bill offers no point system, no incentive to excel, and no provision for LPR applications. But if its second 3-year period were added to the probationary 3-year period of S1387, it would enable higher standards for LPR applicants. It would enable Congress to ask for more education than might be practical in 3 years, but would use the 3-year cutoff to send back those who are not using the opportunity to improve themselves at all.

Those who are making enough progress during their first three years shouldn't have to return home before their second three years, though. Besides the financial burden, it unnecessarily interrupts work, burdening employers as well as workers.

Next issue: Citizens Competing for Jobs with Immigrants.

Citizens Competing for Jobs with Immigrants. (Part 5.)

All these bills require employers to advertise for citizens before hiring aliens. HR2899 and S1387 require advertising for 14 days; S1645/HR3142 requires advertising for 28 days. Participating employers would be prohibited from hiring aliens when citizens are available.

Aliens outside the U.S. would not be allowed to come here looking for a job before one is available. They would have to wait until a job has been advertised the required length of time, and still not been filled. Proposed ways they would learn about available jobs include agents of the employer sent abroad, Hispanic associations, and foreign governments.

Which brings up a potential problem. S1387 would invite foreign governments "to establish a procedure for the enrollment in the program of eligible workers." If the Mexican government gets to choose which of its citizens gets to come here and work, it will choose on the basis of bribes.

All these bills pretty well guarantee that there will be no flood of new aliens into jobs wanted by citizens. There would be no flood of new immigrants, where there aren't jobs waiting for them which citizens cannot fill. In fact, it would tend to dry up existing pools of surplus labor.

We should understand that even though immigration will be tailored to the growth of jobs, there will always be a growth in jobs equal to the influx of immigrants, because every worker who comes to take a U.S. job becomes a consumer who creates another U.S. job. So, yes, the immigration flow will be considerable. But not greater than we have now: the difference would be that the growth would be more tailored to the precise employment need rather than in spurts with pools of unemployed competitors; and also that they would ALL be ID'd.

All these bills would leave employers with no reason to prefer hiring "Guest Workers" over citizens, and every reason to prefer citizens. Employers would not save on Guest Workers, who would get the same wages, hours, and working conditions as citizens or the employers would be subject to "the same penalties that would apply if the employees...were United States citizens." (S1387)

Guest Workers would involve employers with more red tape, and would leave at the end of their legal term no matter how valuable they become -- unless LPR is granted. Having to advertise 14-28 days longer would also be a headache.

But what about the "old aliens" -- the illegals? To the extent immigration reform is successful, it wouldtransfer up to 10 million people from illegal to legal status. Would they provide more competition with citizens, by working legally? No. They would provide less competition, because their wages would go up -- both because laws would require that they receive minimum wages, and because, once legal, they would be free to expect more of employment without the fear of being reported.

Next issue: Government Manipulation of Wage Levels.

Installment #6:

Government manipulation of wage levels. (Part 6.)

An absurd requirement laid by S1645/HR3142 upon the General Accounting Office raises the question, whether government manipulation of minimum wages for aliens will benefit citizens at all.

H2A (b)(3)(G) asks the General Accounting Office to answer the unanswerable: whether alien farm workers, by working cheaper, have lowered wages for citizens.

What a general, unanswerable, ideology-driven answer! If you are a Democrat, you believe raising the minimum wage makes the poor richer. If you are a Republican, you believe raising the minimum wage only lowers the value of the dollar.

H2A (b)(3)(G)(iv) talks about "the current methadologies for calculating the adverse effect wage rate and the prevailing wage". Well of course it is possible to calculate an average minimum wage, adjusted for different regions with their different living expenses. But to calculate the effect of establishing a minimum wage? I won't say that is impossible, but if it is possible, politicians won't pay attention to it. The simple fact is that wage earners are also consumers, so that they create a job for each one they take. That is the way the world population has grown from eight to 8 billion, with plenty of work to be done at every stage of growth.

The bill even creates a commission to determine what minimum wage should apply to alien workers to keep citizen wages from falling.

Here's another way to look at the absurdity of this. Suppose every alien worker got $1,000 an hour for picking oranges. Then his spending, as a consumer, would create lots of jobs, for the one he took. But the price of oranges would rise to $100 each, so that the U.S. workers who take all those jobs would be able to buy less.

Ask yourself, has the elevation of doctors' and lawyers' salaries made everyone else's wages go up? Well, it has made our expenses go up. Is that the same as our wages going up?

Now consider a Hispanic working here for $5 a day, which is a good wage in Mexico. But if they are earning it here, they still have to buy food, clothes, rent, etc., at the prices we charge here, which creates jobs for the people servicing them.

No U.S. worker demanding $5 an hour will be able to compete with aliens working for $5 a day for the same job, but the more aliens there are filling their cars with gas, regardless of how many days they have to work to fill them, the more gas stations can hire U.S. workers for $8 an hour.

So the real issue is not whether another citizen could pick oranges for a higher wage, if aliens weren't available. The issue is whether the citizen who would be picking oranges, were it not for aliens, would be able to earn the same or a higher wage, in another job or in one of the jobs created by aliens.

Would we be better off if doctors raised their wages, or lowered their wages? If doctors started working for $5 an hour, would that depress our wages? No. It would transfer wealth from doctors to us.

In the same way, the lower the wage for which aliens are willing to work, the better off all the rest of us will be.

So the alleged need to raise alien wages, in order to help U.S. workers, is illogical. It misunderstands the issue. The only logical reason for an alien minimum wage is to protect aliens, not U.S. workers.

In fact, what if there were no minimum wage at all, and alien wages were allowed to drop down literally to $5 a day? What is the worst that would happen to U.S. workers? Why, aliens would stop coming here to work! They can get that much in Mexico, with a lot lower expenses! Isn't that what Pat Buchanan and Michelle Maulkin want? For them all to return South?

So it is dumb to artificially prop up alien wages, and say you are doing it for Americans. However, with or without artificial props, supply and demand will not let wages drop much below minimum wage levels, because minimum wage is about what a worker must have to live. If an alien cannot earn enough to live here, he cannot stay here.

The best way to raise wages for aliens is not to artificially prop them up, but to legalize them. When aliens feel the same freedom the rest of us do to quit a horrible job and look for a better job, without having to worry about being reported to the authorities, they will.

One of the first American industries to move abroad was weaving. Did that make Americans poor? No, it moved Americans to more profitable jobs: such as building looms for poor foreigners to operate. The real money is not in making cheap Chinese copies of what we used to make better. The real money is in making the robotics which enable Chinese slaves to make things for us so cheaply.

Given the fact that the new commission's very purpose would be a flawed understanding, and that no legitimate, logical findings would be possible, thoughtful Americans should be concerned that their existence would legitimize fatally flawed economic theory, which let loose in minimum wage law for citizens, would produce out of control spiraling inflation.

I'm not going to fight a minimum wage for citizens, or even one for aliens. That's just political reality; regardless of whether it achieves its purported goal, there is going to be one. But to top it off with commissions and authoritative-sounding, bureaucracy-spawning conclusions, is not a political necessity. It is a political disaster.

S1387 takes a lighter approach, but still authorizes the Secretary of Homeland Security to determine whether the economy is benefiting from immigration -- not to set a minimum wage, like S1645/HR3142 does, but to adjust the quota for future immigration. (Remember, S1645/HR3142 completely eliminates the quota, giving LPR to everyone who qualifies.) Here is how it says it:

(b) TOTAL NUMBER OF LEGAL PERMANENT RESIDENT APPLICANTS- The Secretary of Homeland Security may annually adjust the total number of aliens whose status may be adjusted to that of an alien lawfully admitted for permanent residence based on economic determinations made by the Secretary of Labor and the number of participants in the guest worker program established by this title.

Again, this would require the Secretary to operate from a fallacious premise, because whenever he sets a quota any lower than "all who qualify", he would be wrong. Because the more aliens we have working here instead of for much less at American factories in Mexico, the better it is for our economy; and if they are willing to work harder than the rest of us for their minimum wage, that is even better for our economy.

Next issue: Cumbersome Restrictions.

Cumbersome restrictions. (Part 7.) Some of Congress's past bills attempting to reform immigration law require that workers applying for legal temporary residency may only apply from abroad -- not from among the 10 or so million illegal aliens already here -- and only then after advertising for 28 days for U.S. workers.

Only the largest employers can afford to plan that far ahead, and to send agents abroad to interview applicants. Or, only employers of the most menial of jobs can afford to hire workers from abroad whom they have never met in a face to face interview.

Small businesses have to be more efficient than that. They have to be able to hire as soon as need arises, and they have to know who they are hiring. Face to face interviews are a fundamental of American employment.

Small businesses provide more jobs, added together, than large businesses, so therefore such restrictions as these bills require knock the majority of jobs out of the line, or at least make it unnecessarily difficult for them to stay in line.

S1645/HR3142 indirectly acknowledges this reality, by ordering the Secretary to create provisions for emergency work when "the employer's need for H-2A workers could not reasonably have been foreseen"! As if Congress is admitting, "Listen, boys, this bill has a little problem we haven't figured out, but we've got some bureaucrats on the payroll to think for us." The problem with writing a bill with problems which bureaucrats are ordered to repair, is that no one will ever know the effect of the bill. It is doubtful that we will even know it when we get to Heaven.

It is hard to imagine what the Secretary could ever think of to do to provide for emergencies, other than to waive the 28 day requirement. (S1645/HR3142 mandates 28 days; HR2899 and S1387 mandates 14 days.) But the effect of that would be a law that says you have to advertise for 28 days, unless that would be too long to make you wait.

So rather than hope the Secretary will do the obvious, why not just repair it first? Why not just reduce, or leave out, the 28 day requirement, and just require that for however long the job is advertised, it is advertised where all interested citizens are likely to find it?

Even 14 days imposes an unreasonable burden in many cases. Say the employer wants someone in June; he has to advertise in April to allow transportation time from abroad. Say a US worker responds to the April ad and accepts work in June. But we're talking minimum wage workers, so in May he gets another job that pays more, which he does not want to leave in June.

This is only a problem for workers brought in from abroad. It may not be a significant problem for mass employers where the precise size of work crews doesn't matter, but it would be a significant problem for small businesses who only need 2 or 3 employees.

The purpose of the requirement that applicants travel from abroad is presumably (not explicitly) to avoid having a pool of alien labor here in excess of the need for it, which increases competition for jobs, lowering wages. But if the positive incentives proposed to this point are in place, there will be little interest in under-the-table jobs, and legal jobs will always take citizens first. Therefore, the only effect of a surplus pool of alien labor will be to make aliens not want to be in it. A serious surplus would simply drive many aliens back South and discourage those already South from coming North. In other words, supply and demand will take care of it, without artificially requiring the tremendous burden on both aliens and employers that applicants must travel from abroad.

The provisions for bringing in labor from abroad are workable for mass employers of work which requires no personality, who do not need face-to-face interviews. Nor are they disturbed by requirements that workers periodically return to their home countries, uprooting them from jobs, requiring employers to shuffle workers so they can't return to exactly the same job. This may undermine the alien's hope of becoming more valuable to an employer through experience, and hence his hope of points (under S1387) towards his LPR application based on getting promotions during his legal work time. But that doesn't trouble mass employers of work requiring no personality. However, it troubles small businesses, which provide the majority of America's jobs.

HR2899 even requires employers who have had an immigrant working for them for 3 years, and who would like to renew the worker's right to remain for another 3 years, to first advertise "14 days" among citizens; and then if no citizen wants the job, THEN the immigrant may renew his work permit.

Again, in jobs where personality, loyalty, job experience, and a good working relationship don't matter, that might be tolerable. But small businesses can't operate that way.

Next issue: More Cumbersome Restrictions.

More cumbersome restrictions. (Part 8.)

One of Congress's past bills attempting to reform immigration law, S1645/HR3142, requires a contract between employer and employee so rigid that an employer can't fire an employee "without just cause", meaning legal hoops. He has to be ready to justify firing an employee in court! If the work simply stops, that wouldn't be "just cause". If the worker performs marginally, that wouldn't fly in a legal proceeding. Especially since the burden of proof is on the employer ("by a preponderance of the evidence").

This is quite a burden on an employer who is deprived of a face to face interview, by having to hire people from abroad.

The worst part of this bill is the bureaucracy it would create in order to judge all these millions of job terminations. But fortunately it won't be invoked often, because "the parties shall bear the cost of their own attorneys' fees"!

The bill not only requires 28 days of advertising, and then waiting for a worker to arrive from abroad, but also requires employers to send mailings to all their previous workers who were citizens (unless they were terminated with good reason) to see if THEY want the job back! A lot of agricultural workers don't leave current forwarding addresses! This is a red tape burden not only for employers, but for the INS which has to hire staff to monitor all this stuff!

Here's another whopper: even in the case of "flood, hurricane, freeze, earthquake, fire, drought, plant or animal disease or pest infestation, or regulatory drought" (sic) the employer has to pay the contracted alien!

A hurricane bankrupts the employer, but the employer must still pay! This isn't in existing law anywhere, is it? This isn't just 6 weeks of unemployment insurance. This is 3/4 of the contracted time! What deep pockets Congress assumes fruit farmers have! A hurricane devastates the whole county and drives all the Guest Workers abroad, but the fruit farmers can still afford to send salaries after them! What power does Congress expect fruit farmers to possess, to keep such bottomless pockets full? Taxing authority?

HR2899 would make employers who want to join the program pay an application fee of "$1000, in the case of an employer employing more than 500 employees; or (B) $500, in the case of any other employer...." Well, for mass employers, that's only $1-2 per employee, but for a small business that wants to hire one employee legally, that's $500 per employee! This would not be much of an incentive for small businesses to join the program.

(Workers would have to pay a fee too, but not one that "exceeds the actual cost of processing and adjudicating such application." But costs include the salaries of bureaucrats, and bureaucrats are not known for speed or efficiency. Another part of the cost will be a "medical examination". An "application for adjustment of status" would cost $1,500. S1645/HR3142 is even worse. It would let "the Secretary" decide how much to charge, and he is not told to keep it low.)

Are these flaws fatal?

Provisions that would knock small businesses out of the line would perpetuate under-the-table jobs in small business. America's security goal is to eliminate all under-the-table jobs, and provide incentives that would result in our ability to monitor all aliens.

How much these requirements would undermine the entire program is a relative question. The smallest of businesses -- the ones who just need a fill-in while sissy is pregnant -- would be the most discouraged from participation. Part time work, and temporary work, would be excluded.

These unnecessary restrictions might not be considered fatal, but current illegals who are used to getting by on part time and temporary work, and who find their own work, and who don't have the health, skills, or temperament for agricultural labor gangs, may not be motivated to participate. They may be motivated to continue working in their usual manner, relying on false ID's, and employers who need them may not be motivated to go to heroic lengths to scrutinize those ID's.

Next Issue: The Burdens of HR2899

The Burdens of HR 2899. (Part 9.)

Even though HR2899 was a bill from last year which didn't get very far, it may be worthwhile, for two reasons, to study what horrible burdens of red tape it imposes.

The first reason is that some of its details may be resurrected in this year's bills.

The second reason is that it helps us appreciate the saying "the devil is in the details." What we find in details like these really is the devil. This should sober us, as we study new proposed bills which sound great. Let us not be content with the pleasant sounds of the broad summaries of bills. Let us be curious about the details.

As you read this list of burdens imposed by HR2899, you will find it hard to escape the conclusion that sbureaucrat wrote this.

The burden of HR2899 on the INS. The INS will have to grow into a bureaucracy enormous enough to make sure millions of employers do all the following:

1. pay $500 with application for hiring somebody ($1,000 if more than one); (Sec. 3(a))

2. apply to the INS only after advertising 14 days for a citizen; (Sec. 3(a))

3. use the "employment eligibility confirmation system" to make sure the alien is eligible;

4. inform the alien if the "employment eligibility confirmation system" fails to confirm him;

5. give the alien time to correct errors in the "employment eligibility confirmation system";

6. after hiring the alien, give him "the same benefits, wages, and working conditions" as citizens;

7. make the worker work the same hours as citizens;

8. does not require the alien to refuse to work for a competitor;

9. comply with every federal labor law! The INS will have to become the Department of Labor!

10. When an employer hires an alien the INS will have to compare the alien's qualifications with that of available citizens, not just for the first 3 years but again before renewing the final 3 years! Sec. 3(c)(2)(B)(ii)

11. Make sure employers pay transportation back over the border if employment runs out in 3 years. Sec. 3(d)(1).

12. Create a new jobs website and make sure the information is separately available to state employment agencies and the "interstate employment service". That means posting 10 million jobs and updating it when the jobs are filled. Sec 3(i)(3)(A)

13. Create an "employment eligibility confirmation system" and man toll-free telephones to answer inquiries for 10 million jobs! Sec 3.(j)(1)(A)

14. Create a system of codes so every inquirer can keep track of a code given him when he inquires, to prove he has complied with the law! Sec 3.(j)(1)(B)

15. Create a system capable of determining when an employer does NOT call in with a request! Sec. 3(j)(4)(B)

16. Create a system capable of determining when employers use the system illegally to check on an alien BEFORE offering the alien work! Sec. 3(j)(4)(D)(ii)

The burden of HR2899 on employers:

1. The employer has to file a $500 form for permission to hire an alien, along with advertising 14 days for a citizen first, and checking with the "employment eligibility confirmation system" to see if the alien is eligible, and then WAIT for a bureaucrat to approve it! 10 million jobs will be handled that way! 10 million! Take any 10 million jobs in our economy, put those shackles around them, and see what that does to our economy!

2. If work runs out in less than 3 years, the employer has to pay the worker's transportation back across the border, and may not receive compensation from the worker. Sec. 3(d)(1).

3. The employer faces a $5,000 fine for failing to pay the alien for transportation back if work runs out in less than 3 years! Sec. 3(d)(2)(b). But not if the alien finds other work within 45 days. But that means the employer has to monitor whether the immigrant has gotten work; and of course the employer will not be able to buy a couple of months ahead and get the best air rates, since the immigrant will not go if he can get a job on the last hour of the last day, so he will have to pay premium rates and do so in the last hour of the last day. But what if the immigrant, as will be likely, lies to the employer saying he has a job when he doesn't? Or what if the immigrant doesn't even know, but was given encouragement that a job will soon start? Must the employer hire a private detective to shadow the immigrant to make sure he is really working, or pay the $5,000 fine?

4. Work permission lasts 3 years, and then the employer has to go through almost the whole thing again to renew, and then for 6 years max. It doesn't matter how valuable the employee has become, or how much money he is earning (in order to keep from competing with citizens' salaries). It doesn't matter whether the work lasts another 6 days, or another 20 years. Back he goes on the day appointed. Try doing THAT to any other block of 10 million jobs in our economy and see what that does to our economy! Of course we do that to elected officials routinely, but that's different: in that case, we TRY to interrupt them from being able to accomplish -- or get away with -- too much.

5. The employer has to not only go through the monkey business of inquiring whether a worker is "eligible", but keep track of a secret code he receives every time he inquires! Sec 3.(j)(1)(B) Do you understand what it is like to have your computer crash, and then have to reload all your programs and find all your misplaced product codes? Now take that mess, and multiply it by a fine of thousands of dollars every time you forget a code!

6. It is a crime for the employer to check on an alien's eligibility BEFORE offering him work! Sec. 3(j)(4)(D)(ii)

7. Sec. 3(k)(1)(A) Am I reading this right? A $10,000 fine against an employer if he (1) doesn't use the "employment eligibility confirmation system" (or forgets his secret code), (2) doesn't advise the alien when there is a "nonconfirmation", (3) doesn't give the alien time to correct errors by the government, (4) doesn't provide the alien the same benefits as citizens, (5) doesn't provide the alien the same wages as citizens, (6) doesn't provide the alien the same working conditions as citizens, (7) allows the alien to work different hours than citizens, (8) pressures the alien not to work for a competitor, (9) hires an alien when he could have hired a citizen, or (10) fails to obey ANY federal, state, or local labor law! A $10,000 fine? And then the next paragraph, Sec. 3(k)(1)(B), authorizes the "secretary of labor" to jump in with a whole additional layer of penalties from the federal code!

8. Oh, Sec. 3(k)(1)(B)(2), ANOTHER $10,000 fine for accepting money from the alien to offset hiring expenses!

9. Oh, Sec. 3(k)(1)(B)(3), ANOTHER $5,000 fine PER INCIDENT for forgetting to use the "employment eligibility confirmation system" (or forgetting the secret code).

The burden of HR2899 on workers:

1. Work runs out. If you can't find another job and actually start working within 45 days, you get shipped out of the country on the 46th day. How many unemployed citizens could meet those conditions and remain sane? In the last day, the immigrant doesn't know what to do with his possessions; pack some, of course. Sell the rest? What if work comes in the last hour ­ then the forced sale of things he now needs to continue working causes financial hardship and stress as he attempts to purchase replacements.

2. Of course, temporary work will not be possible, since the new employer has to pay another $500 and go through the same procedure. Sec. 3(e)(1). No spot labor employer will, or even can, go through that expense and waiting period, to get someone to dig a ditch this morning.

3. Sec. 4(b)(2) The alien has to submit $1,500 just to have his application REVIEWED! Do you realize how much that is to a poor Mexican? That's $15,000 in pesos! At $5 a day, a good wage in Mexico, that's 10 years' wages! But anyone making a whopping $5 a day in Mexico may be content with that. Likewise, any Mexican with $1,500 U.S. isn't going to spend it just for a CHANCE to work here for 3 years! Oh. Next paragraph, the fee can be garnished at 10% of his future wages. That's more reasonable.

The burden of HR2899 on common sense: Aliens will have the same motivation as before to hide, and Hispanic communities will have the same motivation as before to cover for them; the only difference is that the motivation to hide will be delayed for 6 years.

The INS will be even worse off than before in its capacity to find and deport illegals because they will be preoccupied with pushing unenforceable paper. Unenforceable, that is, except against employers.

Let aliens stay and work indefinitely. Give them ID cards which do NOT entitle them to welfare, not being SS numbers; but allow them the right to work, the only requirement being that they submit to a criminal screening and get proper ID. Then they will have no incentive to hide but every incentive to come forward, the Hispanic community will have every incentive to help the INS screen for criminals since their cooperation will enable speeding processing, and the INS will have NO paper to push except to hand out ID's to people standing in line for the privilege, and plenty of resources to track down the handful of criminals and terrorists who now stick out like sore thumbs with their now much rarer fake ID's.

Next Issue: Enforcement Bureaucracy.

Enforcement Bureaucracy. (Part 10.)

If immigration reform contains positive enough incentives to draw in virtually all current illegal aliens, the INS will be far better able to track them with computers and paper trails, using minimal bureaucracy.Once illegal aliens are legally enrolled, ID'd, and under-the-table jobs are dried up, it will be far simpler for the INS to locate and deport workers who overstay their legal time here without qualifying for LPR, not to mention criminals such as drug dealers and terrorists.

If the incentives of S1387 are adopted, jobs presently available to illegals will dry up for lack of interest, with little need for active INS enforcement. Employers will be provided all the Hispanic workers they could use through legal channels, eliminating the major reason for hiring illegals despite the legal risk. Employers will still have a minor incentive to hire illegals in order to save on salaries and hours, but with an abundant supply of legal workers at only slightly more cost, and with greater exposure to the INS because most employers would comply, fewer employers, than now, will consider the small savings on salaries worth the risk.

By the way, this is what has always distinguished laws of free nations from those of tyrants: the laws of free lands are so agreeable that most people voluntarily obey them, leaving relatively little need for police to restrain the few who break them.

An example of S1387's informal approach to INS law enforcement: the Secretary of Labor is specifically exempted from the bureaucratic burden of investigating the facts alleged by employers in their applications for Guest Workers: "The Secretary of Labor shall review such an application only for completeness and obvious inaccuracies." S1387 assumes serious employer violations will be reported by workers.

By contrast, HR2899 would require the bureaucracy to investigate every fact alleged on every application with a "confirmation system" and a "secondary verification process"!

Another example is S1387's protection for employers who innocently hire an unauthorized alien with a false ID: there will only be "a civil penalty upon any United States employer that knowingly employs an unauthorized alien ..."

"Criminal intent" must be proved in every area of criminal law, but HR2899, in contrast to S1387, doesn't say "knowingly". Under HR2899, an honest mistake, or ignorance of the details of the new law, can trigger business-busting fines. HR 2899 would ensure employer compliance by turning the INS into a mammoth employer monitoring bureaucracy with business-busting fines for even accidental violations of regulations.

S1645/HR3142 would ensure employer compliance by inviting alien workers into courts -- both district courts and administrative hearings -- to sue their employers! The bill would at least reduce INS bureaucracy by getting illegals to step out of the shadows voluntarily, but clogging our court system even worse than it is, is an even greater burden on our economy than multiplying the INS bureaucracy!

Unexplained is how workers would pursue their lawsuits long after their legal work terms have expired! Would they have to rely solely on lawyers to represent them in their absence, while they would have no right to even attend their own hearings?

Under "Worker Protections and Labor Standards Enforcement", hearings are scheduled "within 60 days". 60 days might be the Speed of Light for an INS bureaucrat, but that could mean the law requires the alien to be in the US 50 days longer than the law says he can be here. Later we learn mediation may continue 90 days. Could these provisions be an incentive for false complaints in order to stay longer? Then the alien has another 3 years to sue in district court!

Another example of unnecessary INS bureaucracy created by S1645/HR3142 is that a worker can't apply for legal temporary resident status until he has worked for a while, during which time the INS can find him and begin to deport him, so then the worker has to prove that he was about to file. Here's how the bill states it:

...the Secretary shall provide that, in the case of an alien who is apprehended before the beginning of the application period described in subsection (a)(1)(B) and who can establish a nonfrivolous case of eligibility for temporary resident status under subsection (a) (but for the fact that the alien may not apply for such status until the beginning of such period), until the alien has had the opportunity during the first 30 days of the application period to complete the filing of an application for temporary resident status, the alien...

Not only does this nonsense unnecessarily saddle INS deporters with having to decide whether workers are ABOUT to apply, but by providing no process for signing up with the INS immediately, before any work history is established, there is no immediate security benefit: there is no ID-ing of hidden illegals.

Next Issue: More Enforcement Bureaucracy Details.

More Enforcement Bureaucracy Details. (Part 11.)

America's national security goal of detecting all the estimated 8-12 million illegal aliens, can only be met if our laws are so fair, and full of wise positive incentives, that most will obey them voluntarily: and if INS bureaucracy is not saddled with unnecessary staff-consuming paper shuffling which keeps its agents from following real criminals.

S 1387 would relieve the INS bureaucracy, not only by getting illegals to step out of the shadows voluntarily, but by then getting illegals to help shoulder the burden of monitoring employers' violations -- by offering them legal protection from employer backlash, and even help finding another job!

(S1645/HR3142 would give workers these protections also, along with rights to sue.)

S1387 penalties against businesses would be "the same penalties that would apply if the employees...were United States citizens; and...debarment from the guest worker program for up to 10 years." MUCH more reasonable than the draconian fines of HR2899 and S1645/HR3142.

HR2899 would fine employers, for each immigrant, $10,000 for trying to recoup, from workers, the application fees for permission to hire them; $5,000 for "failure to use the employment eligibility confirmation system established under subsection (j) to verify a nonimmigrant's identity and employment authorization"; $5,000 for not "(B) advising the nonimmigrant of any nonconfirmation" (INS records indicating the worker doesn't qualify), and $5,000 for not ''(C) providing the nonimmigrant an opportunity to correct the information in the system causing such nonconfirmation before revoking the offer of employment"!

S1645/3142 would charge a large fine AND up to 5 years in jail for anyone who "knowingly and willfully falsifies, conceals, or covers up a material fact" in an application. That's under criminal charges. Then later, under "civil penalties", it's $1,000 per violation (all these figures are maximums) if the employer "has failed to provide the record of employment required ...or has provided a false statement of material fact in such a record".

Standards for workers are a bit more lax: the worker will not only not be deported for a scant two misdemeanors, but will not lose his LPR! To lose LPR he must commit "a felony or three or more misdemeanors"!

S1387 has lower fines, but still has fines. The fine for a first offense is $500-2500 per deliberately illegally hired employee, as contrasted with multiple higher fines possible for each worker. S1387's fines are not cheap, but are not as sure to break the back of a business.

S1387 not only absolves workers of past guilt for working without authorization before the new law took effect, but it absolves employers. It says:

An employer who participates in a guest worker program shall be absolved of all liability for illegal behavior, as such behavior pertains to the immigration status of employees, that occurred before the employer's participation in the guest worker program.

This will dry up unauthorized jobs faster than the absolution for workers, because all workers have to fear is deportation, after which they can always take another swim across waters containing no sharks; but businesses have to fear the lawyer-infested waters of civil court. This absolution creates both a positive and negative incentive: not only is the fear of liability for past illegal employment finally lifted, but if illegal employment continues the risk of liability will be greatly increased because most businesses will comply, leaving the INS free to focus on those who don't.

S1387 creates a partnership between employer, employee, and the INS which discourages abuse on any side. The employee needs the employer, not only for the duration of a job, but afterwards, since the employee's recommendation is required for points towards LPR. The employer needs the good will of the employee, not only for as long as there is work that needs to be done, but the employer doesn't want to deal with complaints to the INS. If the employer is abusive, the INS will still step in to protect the worker from recrimination for reporting the abuse.

....a guest worker who files a complaint regarding an employer who intimidates, threatens, restrains, coerces, blacklists, discharges, or in any other manner [retaliates for being reported, will be helped] to seek other appropriate employment....

If a worker fears a negative work report that will cost him points, he may be tempted to falsely accuse his employer to offset it. But workers will be more motivated to earn glowing reports during their precious legal work periods. Employers will be motivated to build positive, enduring relationships with workers, because while workers are trying to earn points for LPR they will perform at capacity, doing outstanding work, and these employers will want to keep hard workers like that after they receive their LPR and can look around for better offers.

The INS needs voluntary reports, so the INS has some motivation to be trustworthy, efficient, fair, and reasonable.

The smallest businesses are hit hardest by complicated, liability-creating regulations. They don't have the staff to study and understand them, and they would be destroyed by the fines Congress contemplates in HR2899, or the liability invited by S1645/HR3142. And yet, currently there are small businesses which suffer similar risk because they have no other way to find employees.

A desirable goal would be a new law that would create less complexity and risk than those businesses suffer now, which would be a positive incentive for small businesses to bring existing under-the-table jobs into the program. But if the new law creates greater complexity and risk than staying under the table, small businesses will be motivated to stay under the table, which would defeat the program.

Another desirable goal of Congress will be enforcement mechanisms which rely as much as possible on positive incentives and paperwork which is easily processed, so that INS staff requirements will actually drop from current levels.

Next issue: The point system of S1387 could be the key to meeting America's security needs, and reducing INS bureaucracy, as well as producing the finest quality new citizens America could hope for.

The point system of S1387 could be the key to meeting America's security needs, and reducing INS bureaucracy, as well as producing the finest quality new citizens America could hope for. (Part 12.)

S1387 envisions a point system for evaluating applicants for Legal Permanent Residency (LPR). The beauty of the S1387 point system is that its criteria could be verified with minimal INS staff time. Tests of English and understanding Constitutional principles could be done by organizations which could either volunteer their help or charge fees. Ordinary criminal background checks can verify compliance with criminal law.

As for evidence of previous violations of immigration law, the INS should not be expected to consume precious man-hours investigating evidence from the past of noncompliance with INS law. We should be satisfied with evidence of noncompliance that might surface only during the process of background computer checks for the LPR application.

For example, if an illegal has applied for welfare, that would show up, and we would know not only that he applied for welfare, but that he was here illegally in order to do it. And if, after applying for LPR, a worker overstays his legal work period without receiving LPR, the INS would instantly know about that -- if by no other means, that in any future application for LPR, the INS could leave the burden of proof with the applicant that he left at the end of the legal period, which he could prove with travel receipts.

The point system would draw more current illegal aliens into the program, putting them on INS ledgers without INS lifting a finger; and once they are enrolled, their voluntary reports to the INS, to document points they earn, would do the INS tracking for it!

Fairness. All these positive incentives can produce fruit only to the extent that they are truly fair, the bureaucracy is fast and efficient, and the criteria is understandable and objective so that applicants know exactly what they must achieve in order to reach the prize. Applicants must be able to measure their own progress as they go along, at all times knowing how many more points they need.

To the extent unnecessary regulations and jaded INS workers interfere with these objectives, current illegal aliens will not trust the promises, will not step forward to apply, and therefore under-the-table jobs will not dry up.

If Americans are wise, and adopt an efficient, honest immigration policy, illegal border crossings will dry up. Jobs would simply no longer be waiting for those who cross illegally. Existing under-the-table jobs would dry up, so that illegal aliens preferring the status quo would no longer find work. Their choice would be between enrolling legally, or moving back South.

In fact, some current illegals may find themselves unemployable, and forced to return to their homeland, even if they try to apply for the new program, because if employers are going to pay at least minimum wage, they may demand more in a worker than some can deliver.

The "open borders chaos" will all but disappear.

Best of all, a decent, honest, fair policy will earn the support of churches and Hispanic groups which currently help illegals. We may even have the opportunity to engage such groups as partners in national security, rather than as adversaries. An example of a beneficial partnership would be the assistance of Hispanic groups in screening for criminals and terrorists, in return for speedier INS processing of applications.

Consider the alternative.

Our national security goal is getting 10 million illegal aliens located, registered, and monitored.

It is not helpful to publicly dream of rounding up the 8-12 million illegal aliens and shipping them South, while offering them no incentive for turning themselves in more positive than the promise of deportation. All we need to do is consider how long U.S. citizens can evade outstanding arrest warrants, even though their birth certificates, fingerprints, photographs and sometimes DNA are all on file, and with well funded law enforcement thoroughly committed to their capture. Compared with that record, the INS is doing quite well, and cannot suddenly be expected to do thousands of times better.

Next issue: Does this sound like amnesty?

Does this sound like "amnesty"? (Part 13.)

Does this opportunity still sound to you like "amnesty"?

At its worst, it is better than the current system in which illegals enjoy a defacto right to stay and work indefinitely, WITHOUT submitting to a criminal OR terrorist screening OR carrying real ID cards capable of being monitored by government, OR learning English, obeying the law, or understanding what America is all about -- and in some notorious counties, in numbers we hope are small, VOTING.

At its best, it will dry up illegal border crossings, deliver not only a generation of Hispanics but a generation of U.S. employers from considerable pressures to operate illegally, and turn today's illegals who, one way or another, will become tomorrow's voters, into quality citizens, fluent in English, and informed about the foundations of our freedom and prosperity.

A wise immigration law has the potential to reach these goals:

* Get the estimated possibly 12 million current illegal aliens to register, get ID'd, and report so the INS can monitor them;

* Slash future illegal border crossings to almost zero, allowing the INS to concentrate on the remaining illegal crossings of traditional criminals such as drug runners;

* Create positive incentives for worker and employer participation which reduce the need for INS bureaucracy to enforce negative incentives, enabling an actual reduction in the INS caseload and the INS bureaucracy;

* Achieve the minimum possible competition with U.S. wages, which would be less than under existing conditions, and less than if "illegals" were all shipped south tomorrow;

* Limit the immigrant worker flow precisely to the level of job creation, so as not to take jobs from citizens;

* Create no welfare burden;

* Strain no Social Security funds, but just the opposite: rejuvenate Social Security and keep it sound for another century.

In 1884, France, only 13 years after it had finally become a republic again after a century of revolution and Napoleons, gave us the Statue of Liberty in recognition of the open borders America had offered until that time.

Those open borders are still the clearer vision. The essential facts have not changed since then. We are no closer to "running out of space" now than then. (See Myth Buster #5, below.)

The facts are that Bush's plan will actually help wages here rise, greatly improve national security, will not run us out of space, and will not affect our welfare budgets.

The facts are that "sending them all back home" is not an option, politically or economically. The political reality today is that Americans simply aren't hard hearted enough to slam the borders shut and drive all the illegals back where they came from to starve. If we are ever persuaded to do that, it will only be because we are deceived by myths, such as those in following issues, that allege that sharing will destroy us.

But reversing the immigration flood will require more than appropriate policy from our government. It will require all of us to realize that the political, economic, and religious freedom we have, to which the world flees from dangers at home, is a blessing of God worth sharing. All of us can help by involving Hispanics in what keeps us free, and helping them help their families, back home, transform their governments and economies to create countries whose citizens will not flee. (This is also part of President Bush's immigration agenda.)

The best thing about helping our Hispanic neighbors is that it freshens our "service" economy, as President Herbert Hoover described it, which is the foundation of our prosperity, and which in earlier times was expressed as "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." Obeying the Second Greatest Commandment is the essence of America, the foundation of our freedom and prosperity, the source of joy, and our prayer that God will Bless America.

Next Issue: Part Two, Myth Busters/Myth #1: We can help solve the immigration problem by getting behind shipping all the illegals South.

Part Two: MYTH BUSTERS

Parte Dos: LOS CAZADORES DE MITOS

Myth #1: It helps to advocate shipping all the illegals South. (Part 14.)

Mito # 1: Ayuda a abogar por el envío de todos los ilegales del Sur. (Parte 14)

Why is current immigration law spinning out of control, with cracks wide enough for at least 10 million, so far, to slip through? Current policy isn't working, and more of it won't work, either.

¿Por qué la actual ley de inmigración gira fuera de control con grietas tan anchas como para resbalarse en ellas? Esta ley no está funcionando y, más aún, tampoco funcionará.

"The problem is that so many government officials are unwilling to enforce the law...." says Michelle Malkin, American Legion, April 2004. There is an "apparent lack of enforcement of immigration laws by federal government agencies" adds Ron Engel, deputy director of The American Legion's Americanism and Children and Youth division.

"El problema es que muchos gobiernos oficiales están reacios en hacer cumplir la ley", dice Michelle Malkin, en American Legión, abril 2004. Existe una "aparente falta de cumplir las leyes de inmigración por parte de las agencias del gobierno federal", agrega Ron Engel, director a cargo de la división de La Legión Americana de Americanos, Niños y Jóvenes.

If this is the problem with our current immigration policy, how can it be corrected by more of the same ­ the same laws just made sterner, as many demand?

Si éste es el problema con nuestra actual política inmigratoria, ¿cómo puede ser corregida por más de lo mismo, las mismas leyes severas, como muchos demandan?

If there is no will to enforce existing laws, how is there the will to enforce sterner laws? How much more mammoth must INS bureaucracy become before it will spring into action?

Si no hay voluntad para hacer cumplir las leyes existentes, ¿cómo puede haber voluntad para hacer las cumplir? ¿Cuánto más gigantesca se debe hacer la burocracia del INS antes de que de un salto hacia la acción?

It isn't just politicians and INS agents; voters, too, are uncertain how to deal with illegals. Malkin is probably right when she says polls show "Americans overwhelmingly oppose amnesty", and "the vast majority of Americans...reject open-borders chaos", but that doesn't mean we have national consensus behind sterner laws. The Iowa Democratic Platform says "We look forward to the day when the borders of all countries are open to the free exchange of ideas, people, and goods" and "We support the humane treatment of all, whether U.S. citizens or not." Among Republicans, those opposing Bush's plan do not seem to be in control, though the measure has not yet been voted upon. Certainly they are not in a strong position with Bush against them.

No se trata solamente de los políticos y de los agentes del INS. Los votantes, igualmente, están inseguros en cómo tratar con los ilegales. Malkin está probablemente en lo correcto al decir que las encuestas muestran a "los americanos aplastantemente en contra de la amnistía", y que "la vasta mayoría de ellosrechazan el caos de las fronteras abiertas", pero eso no significa que tengamos un consenso nacional detrás de leyes severas. La Plataforma Democrática de Iowa dice: "Buscamos el día en que las fronteras de todos los países estén abiertas al libre intercambio de ideas, gente, y bienes" y "apoyamos el trato humano de todos, sean ciudadanos americanos o no". Entre Republicanos, aquellos que se oponen al plan Bush y que parecen no estar en control, la medida no ha sido votada aún. Seguramente no están en una fuerte posición contra ellos.

The INS should not be accused of not trying. Over 200,000 illegals were stopped during the first 3 months of 2004, which is a 50% increase over last year. (Source: http://www.gopusa.com/news/2004/ april/0406_tancredo_immigration_bush.shtml, "Tancredo Pleads With Bush to Reverse Amnesty Plan as Illegal Immigration Spikes", By Jimmy Moore, Talon News, April 6, 2004. Border Patrol Public Information Officer Rob Daniels, who is stationed at the Tucson Sector of the Border Patrol, was quoted for the figure.) Thanks to INS vigilance, only about one in five who attempt to cross succeed, and news reports along the border carry daily stories of Hispanics dying, trying to cross deadly deserts and rivers. (Source for the "one in five" figure: http://209.157.64.200/focus/f-news/770044/posts, October 15, 2002 "The Immigration and Naturalization Service does not have statistics on how many enter illegally. However, the net gain each year -- the number who enter minus the number who leave -- is believed to be 200,000 to 300,000, according to the Cato Institute, a nonprofit public policy research foundation." The fact that news stories about dying would-be illegals are daily occurrences was told me by Joyce McCarthy, secretary of the Hidalgo County Republican Party, 956-630-4467)

El INS no debería ser acusado de no intentarlo. Más de 200 mil ilegales fueron detenidos durante los primeros tres meses del 2004, y esto significa un incremento del 50% sobre el año anterior. (Fuente: . "Tancredo Suplica a Bush dar Marcha Atrás a su Plan de Amnistía como la Forma de Clavar la Inmigración Ilegal", por Jimmy Moore, Talon News, abril 6, 2004. El oficial Rob Daniels, del departamento de Información Pública de la Patrulla Fronteriza, quien está en el sector de Tucson, fue citado). Gracias a la vigilancia del INS, solamente uno de cada cinco que intenta cruzar la frontera, tiene éxito, y las noticias dicen que a lo largo de la frontera se recogen diariamente historias de hispanos que mueren al intentar pasar la frontera a través de desiertos y ríos. (Fuente: , octubre 15 del 2002. "El Servicio de Inmigración y Naturalización no tiene estadísticas de cuántos entran ilegalmente. Sin embargo, la cifra que aumenta cada año-el número del que ingresa menos el número de quien se va-se cree que es de 200 mil a 300 mil, de acuerdo al Instituto Cato, una fundación no lucrativa de investigación de política pública. Joyce McCarthy, secretario del Condado Hidalgo del Partido Republicado, 956-630-4467, dijo que las historias sobre la muerte de ilegales ocurren todos los días).

Yet the Hispanic population in the U.S. has grown by over 25 million(to 35.3 million) from 1970 to 2000, not counting about half that many more illegals. Millions of the "legals" are children of illegals who became citizens by being born here, and former illegals who finally got the opportunity to became "legals".

Aunque la población hispana en los Estados Unidos ha crecido de 25 millones a 35.3 millones de 1970 al 200, no se cuenta que la mitad de ellos son ilegales. Millones de estos son hijos de indocumentados que se han convertido en ciudadanos por haber nacido aquí, y otros más que finalmente tuvieron la oportunidad de legalizar su situación.

In the face of considerable INS effort, the mixed feelings of voters and those they elect, and the overwhelming press of Hispanics fleeing political and economic disaster, merely proposing "sterner laws" seems as helpful as proposing "we should just get everybody to be Christians." This is a great goal, without a strategy.

Frente al considerable esfuerzo del INS, los sentimientos encontrados de los votantes y de aquellos elegidos, y la aplastante presión de hispanos escapando del desastre político y económico, meramente proponer "leyes severas" parece mucho más útil como proponer que "deberíamos permitir que todos fueran cristianos". Esta es una gran meta, pero sin estrategia.

President Bush and a few Congressmen propose a strategy. However, before we can get together behind any strategy, we will need more agreement on the facts of the problems we hope to solve.

El Presidente Bush y unos pocos congresistas proponen una estrategia. Sin embargo, antes de que podamos unirnos detrás de cualquier estrategia, necesitaremos más acuerdo en los hechos de los problemas que esperamos solucionar.

It is politically out of touch to expect voters, who consider it inhumane to deny education or emergency medical care to illegals, to drive illegals back where there is not only no education or emergency medical care, but no work or food. Americans are simply not heartless enough to get behind a "more of the same" immigration policy.

Está políticamente fuera de contexto esperar votantes que consideren como inhumano negar educación o asistencia médica de emergencia para los ilegales, llevar de regreso a los ilegales a donde no hay ni educación ni asistencia médica y tampoco trabajo ni alimento. Los americanos no son tan despiadados como para conseguir sólo "más de lo mismo" en materia de política inmigratoria.

But there are solutions for the real problems (once we can distinguish them from the imaginary problems) which Americans will get behind.

No obstante, hay soluciones para los problemas reales (una vez que podamos distinguirlos de los imaginarios), de los cuales los americanos estarán detrás.

Next Issue: Myth #2: Illegal Aliens are busting our welfare budget, and Bush's Amnesty would make it worse.

En el Próximo Número: Mito #2: Los Ilegales están tras nuestro presupuesto de beneficencia, y la Amnistía de Bush podría empeorarlo.

Myth #2: Illegal Aliens are busting our welfare budget, and Bush's Amnesty would make it worse. (Part 15.)

Mito #2: Los ilegales están tras nuestro presupuesto de beneficienia, y la Aministía de Bush podría empeorarlo. (Parte 15).

It is commonly alleged that illegal aliens receive welfare.

Es comúnmente aceptado que los ilegales reciben un subsidio.

That is not true unless we redefine the word "welfare" or the term "illegal alien".

Eso no es cierto a menos que redefinamos la palabra "subsidio" o el término "ilegal".

It is true that they benefit from a few of what we call "public services", but none of those "services" are what we call "welfare".

Es cierto que ellos se benefician de un poco de lo que llamamos "servicios públicos", pero ninguno de estos "servicios" son lo que llamamos "subsidio".

The American Legion ("No Divine Right", April 2004, page 25) carefully limited its statement of what illegals receive to "publicly funded assistance", and more specifically, "driver's licenses, health care, education and employment shelters."

La Legión Americana ("No al Derecho Divino", abril 2004, página 25) cuidadosamente limitó su declaración acerca de que los ilegales reciben "asistencia públicamente financiada", y más específicamente, "licencias de manejo, cuidado de la salud, educación y empleo".

(Never before have "driver's licenses" even been considered "publicly funded assistance". What is a "publicly funded" "employment shelter"?)

(Nunca antes tener "licencias de manejo" ha sido considerado "una asistencia públicamente financiada". ¿Qué es un "empleo públicamente financiado"?)

The anti-illegal website "http://www.citizensaii.org/" avoids the generality that "illegals are on welfare" by being more specific: "...[M]ost illegal immigrants cost more in public services ­ schools, hospitals, criminal justice ­ than they pay in taxes." (Which is to say that at least a few pay more in taxes than they receive in services.)

El sitio web contra los ilegales, , evita la generalidad de que "los ilegales son subsidiados": "La mayoría de los inmigrantes ilegales cuestan más en servicios públicos, como escuelas, hospitales y justicia, que lo que pagan en impuestos". (Lo que es decir que al menos algunos pagan más en impuestos de lo que reciben en servicios).

Others are not so careful. For example, Congressman Steve King got 35 other Congressmen to sign his December 17, 2003 letter which states: "We are especially disturbed by the burden that would be imposed on taxpayers as a result of legalization [of work by current illegal aliens]. Americans will have to pay increased taxes as a consequence of the burden amnesty would place on our school systems, welfare and social service systems, roads and transportation systems, the sprawl and environmental degradation, the health care system, Medicaid, Social Security,and other programs."

Otro no son tan cuidadosos. Por ejemplo, el congresista Steve King obtuvo la firma de 35 congresistas más en su carta fechada diciembre 17 del 2003, que dice: "Estamos especialmente molestos por la carga que sería impuesta a los contribuyentes como resultado de la legalización (de empleo para los actuales inmigrantes ilegales). Los americanos no tendrán que pagar impuestos incrementados como consecuencia de la carga de la amnistía que se ubicaría en nuestros sistemas escolares, beneficencia y servicio social, caminos y transporte, la degradación y el derribo del ambiente, el sistema de cuidado de la salud, Medicaid, Seguro Social y otros programas."

This may seem a fine distinction. Maybe public education, and emergency medical care, seem like "welfare" to you. Maybe it seems like a fine distinction, to point out that they are not.

Esto puede parecer una fina distinción. Tal vez la educación pública y la atención médica de emergencia, parezca "subsidio" para ti. Tal vez pareciera una fina distinción para puntualizar que ellos no lo son.

But public confusion about this could interfere with understanding the problem, and getting consensus for a solution. For example, notice that Congressman King is not merely using "welfare" as a euphemism for "schools" and "emergency rooms". He lists "welfare" in addition to listing "schools" and "the health care system". Is he genuinely confused? Does he really think illegals receive "welfare" as the term is traditionally defined?

Pero la confusión pública sobre esto podría interferir con el entendimiento del problema y tener un consenso para una solución. Por ejemplo, nota que el congresista King no está meramente usando "subsidio" como un eufemismo para "escuelas" y "consultorios". El lista "subsidio" en adición de listar "escuelas" y "el sistema de cuidado de la salud". ¿Está genuinamente confundido? ¿Realmente piensa que los ilegales reciben "subsidio" como el término está definido tradicionalmente?

This illustrates how confusion on this point palpably affects public policy, because he is a leader in Congress, a conservative Republican who has gotten 35 other Congressmen to sign his letter opposing President Bush's "Guest Worker" plan, and he bases his opposition at least partly upon a myth.

Esto ilustra cómo la confusión en este punto palpablemente afecta la política pública, porque él es un líder en el Congreso, un Republicano conservador que ha conseguido 35 firmas para su carta oponiéndose al plan de "Trabajador Invitado" del Presidente Bush, y base su oposición al menos en una parte sobre un mito.

So, just for the record:

Sólo para que conste:

It is true that young illegals receive "free" K-12 education, demanded, not by citizens or politicians, but by our unelected Supreme Court in Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202 (1982). But "welfare" isn't defined to mean children in school, unless we redefine it.

Es verdad que los jóvenes ilegales reciben "gratuitamente" la educación K-12, demandada, no por ciudadanos ni políticos, sino por nuestra no elegida Suprema Corte en Plyler vs. Doe, 457 U.S. 202 (1982). Sin embargo, "subsidio" no está definido para niños en la escuela, a menos que lo redefinamos.

More to the point, Bush's "Guest Worker" program can't make it any worse. As long as Congress lacks the spunk to reign in the Supreme Court, nothing Bush can do will make illegal aliens any more eligible for public education than they are now.

Más para el punto, el program de "Trabajador Invitado" del Presidente Bush no puede hacer nada peor. Así como el Congreso carece del valor para gobernar en la Suprema Corte, nada puede hacer Bush para que los ilegales sean más elegibles para la educación pública de lo que lo son ahora.

K-12 education isn't free, of course; and all illegals contribute to it, through sales, income, and property taxes, just like the rest of us. Renters pay even higher property taxes (indirectly -- rent has to cover it) because their landlords have no homestead or veterans exemptions. Illegals do pay income taxes: every illegal who shows his employer a false ID still gets income and FICA taxes deducted from his paycheck.

Por supuesto que la educación (K-12) no es gratis; y los ilegales contribuyen a ella a través de compras, ingreso, e impuestos por propiedad, tal y como lo hacemos el resto de nosotros. Quienes rentan pagan incluso más impuestos (indirectamente-la renta tiene que cubrirlo) porque sus caseros no hacen excepciones. Los ilegales pagan impuestos por su ingreso: cada uno que muestre a su jefe una identificación falsa de todas maneras recibe un salario y la FICA deduce los impuestos de su paga.

It is true that illegals may be seen spending food stamps in grocery stores. But they may apply for only enough to feed their children who became citizens by being born here, by authority of 8 U.S.C. 1401. Many feel the law ought to treat U.S.-born children of illegals as illegals themselves. But the term "illegal aliens" is not defined as including U.S. citizens, unless we redefine it.

Es cierto que los ilegales pueden ser vistos gastando vales de comida en las tiendas. Pero ellos no pueden aplicar solamente para alimentar a sus hijos ­quienes son ciudadanos por haber nacido aquí-según la autoridad del 8. U.S.C. 1401. Muchos sientes que la ley debe tratar a los hijos de ilegales nacidos en Estados Unidos como ilegales también. Sin embargo, el término "ilegal" no está definido como incluir a los ciudadanos americanos, a menos que lo redefinamos.

(Food stamps applicants must present a valid social security number. If a false number is presented, caseworkers will know it in about a month, and will cut off the stamps. If benefits fraudulently obtained amount to very much, caseworkers will turn over the case to law enforcement for prosecution.)

(Los que aplican para vales de comida deben presentar un número válido de seguro social. Si se presenta un número falso, los trabajadores sociales lo sabrán en un mes y les quitarán los vales. Si los beneficios fraudulentamente obtenidos representan una gran suma, entonces el caso será reportado a la ley para su persecución).

Source: I called the Iowa Department of Human Services at 281-3147 and was transferred to 281-6899 where I talked to "Vicki". Vicki had a heavy food stamp case load for 3-1/2 years. She has heard all the news stories alleging illegals receive welfare, but she can't imagine it. She can't imagine anyone got by her. Food stamp applicants have to have a valid Social Security number. If a phony card were presented, "I would get a match in a month or so saying it wasn't valid." Surely the fear of exposure to the INS would discourage illegals from trying to get welfare with phony papers, she agrees; although "we don't report to the INS", they would report to local law enforcement if the fraud resulted in payouts of "large dollar amounts" for which there are criminal penalties.

Fuente: Llamé al Departamento de Servicios Humanos de Iowa al 281-3147 y fui transferido al 281-6899 en donde hablé con "Vicky". Ella tuvo un caso de vales de comida por 3 años y medio. Ha oído las historias que dicen que los ilegales reciben subsidio, pero no puede imaginarlo. No puede imaginar que alguien lo obtuvo por ella. Los solicitantes de vales de comida tienen que tener un número válido de Seguro Social. Si una tarjeta falsa se presentara, "Tendría una partida en un mes o decir que no era válida". Seguramente el miedo de exponerse al INS reprimiría a los ilegales de intentar obtener un subsidio con papeles falsos, argumenta. Aunque "no reportamos a la INS", ellos reportarían a la ley loca si el fraude ocasionó pagos de "grandes sumas de dólares" para el que existen penas.

Although illegals cannot get food stamps, their citizen children can. But only enough to feed the children.

Aunque los ilegales no pueden conseguir vales de comida, sus hijos ciudadanos sí. Pero solamente para alimentar a los hijos.

(In other words, illegals can apply for their children and the caseworkers may know they are illegals but "we don't report to the INS", and then they can go to the grocery store where everyone sees them spending food stamps, and some observing may know they are illegals but may not realize their quantity of food stamps is based on the needs of the children only.)

(En otras palabras, los ilegales pueden solicitar para sus hijos sin saber su situación ilegal, porque "no reportamos al INS", y ellos pueden ir a la tienda donde todos vean que gastan los vales, y alguien que observe puede saber que son ilegales, pero puede no notar que la cantidad de vales de comida que tienen está basada en las necesidades de los hijos solamente).

Vicki assumes the system is as tight in all states, since it is a federal program.

Vicky asume que el sistema es tan ajustado en todos los estados desde que es un programa federal.

It is true that hospital emergency rooms are required by USC Sec. 1395dd to "stabilize" "any individual...whether or not eligible for benefits". But the term "welfare" is not defined as covering hospital emergency room care, unless we redefine it.

Es cierto que los cuartos de un hospital son requeridos por USC Sección 1395dd para "estabilizar" a "cualquier individuosea o no elegible de beneficios". Pero el término "subsidio" no está definido como la cobertura de un cuarto de hospital, a menos que lo redefinamos.

"Stabilize" doesn't mean to provide care until the patient is well, according to the law. It means to treat emergency conditions until they can be transported safely to another hospital. Once a patient is "stabilized", then even if there is no other hospital to which the patient will consent to be transferred, federal law places no further obligation upon the hospital. Of course, individual hospitals and doctors may voluntarily give further treatment. Over $200 million is spent by hospitals for such care, according to a 9/26/02 study of the Border Counties Coalition, mostly in the 24 border counties. California spent $79.6 million that year; Texas, $74 million; Arizona, $30 million; New Mexico, $6 million; and ambulances spent another $13 million in the four states. (Source: http://www.sierratimes.com/cgi-bin/ikonboard/topic.cgi?forum=23&topic=88, Atlanta Journal Constitution NEWS TODAY · September 27, 2002, "Study: Illegal immigrant health care costly", Julia Malone - Cox Washington Bureau, Friday, September 27, 2002.)

"Estabilizar" no significa proveer cuidados hasta que el paciente esté bien, de acuerdo a la ley. Significa recibir tratamiento en condiciones urgentes hasta que puedan ser trasladados a otro hospital. Una vez que el paciente está "estable", entonces si no hay otro hospital al que paciente consentirá ser transferido, la ley federal no tiene ningún obligación con el hospital. Por supuesto, los hospitales y los doctores pueden voluntariamente dar el tratamiento posterior. Cerca de 200 millones de dólares es gastado en los hospitales en este rubro, de acuerdo al estudio de la Coalición de los Condados en la Frontera, fechado el 26 de septiembre del 2002, mayormente en los 24 condados fronterizos. California gastó 79.6 millones; Texas, 74 millones; Arizona, 30 millones; Nuevo México, 6 millones, y por concepto de ambulancias se gastaron otros 13 millones en los cuatro estados. Fuente: , del periódico de Atlanta News Today, septiembre 27, 2002, "Estudio: El costo médico del inmigrante ilegal", por Julia Malone ­ Corresponsal de Washington, viernes 27 de septiembre del 2002.

Although Congress can only guess how much emergency medical care illegal aliens receive, since most hospitals do not ask patients their immigration status, they reimbursed hospitals $250 million in December of 2003. (Source: "Federal Funding for Unauthorized Aliens' Emergency Medical Expenses", an unattributed article sent me by Senator Grassley's office, says how much emergency care illegals receive "is extremely difficult to ascertain...since most hospitals do not ask patients their immigration status." But "The Medicare Prescription Drug, Improvement, and Modernization Act of 2003 (P.L. 108-173) signed into law on December 8, 2003" appropriates $250 million a year to reimburse states for emergency care for illegals, based on estimates.)

Aunque el Congreso puede solamente suponer cuándo reciben los ilegales en atención médica, desde que la mayoría de los hospitales no revelan el estatus de sus pacientes, reembolsaron a los hospitales 250 millones de dólares en diciembre del 2003. (Fuente: "Financiamiento Federal para Extranjeros No Autorizados, 'Gastos de Servicio Médico', un artículo que me envió la oficina del Senador Grassley, y que dice cuándo reciben los ilegales por este concepto: "es extremadamente difícil asegurarlodesde que la mayoría de los hospitales no preguntan a sus pacientes su estatus legal o ilegal". Sin embargo, "El Acta de Prescripción de Medicinas, Mejoramiento y Modernización del 2003 (PL 108-173) firmada en la ley del 8 de diciembre del 2003" se apropia de 250 millones de dólares anuales para reembolsarlo a los estados para el cuidado médico de los ilegales, basado en estimaciones).

That's about $25 per illegal. This would seem small compared with the added revenues that would be generated by a Guest Worker program that brings up jobs to at least minimum wage, that rewards illegals for promotions and pay raises, and that gets all taxes paid -- all without making workers any more eligible for public services, depending on the bill details adopted.

Eso representa cerca de 25 dólares por ilegal. Podría parecer pequeño comparado con los ingresos añadidos que podrían ser generados por un programa de Trabajador Invitado y que trae trabajos al menos para un salario mínimo, que premia a los ilegales con promociones y aumentos de sueldo, y que todos los impuestos están pagados-todos sin hacer a los trabajadores más elegibles para los servicios públicos, dependiendo de los detalles de la ley adoptada.

Unfortunately another drain on our national budget is for illegals in jail. But "welfare bums" isn't normally defined to refer to inmates, either.

Desafortunadamente otra alcantarilla en nuestro presupuesto nacional es para los ilegales en prisión. Pero el "subsidio de vagos" no está normalmente definido para referirse a reclusos tampoco.

It's not that it is a relief to learn that certain illegals aren't mooching off welfare, after all; they are only in jail.

No es que sea un alivio aprender que ciertos ilegales no están fuera de la beneficencia, después de todo, solamente están en prisión.

But by saying "illegals are on welfare", when they are not, we confuse each other about the nature of the problem, the magnitude of the problem, and the steps necessary to solve the problem.

Pero por decir que "lo ilegales están subsidiados", cuando no lo están, nos confundimos acerca de la naturaleza del problema, su magnitud, y los pasos que son necesarios para resolverl

Next issue: Myth #2 continued: Illegal Aliens are busting our welfare budget, and hurting our Social Security.

Próximo número: Mito #2: Los Extranjeros ilegales están tras nuestro presupuesto de beneficencia y dañando nuestro Seguro Social.

Myth #2 continued: Illegal Aliens are busting our welfare budget, and hurting our Social Security. (Part 16.)

Continuación del Mito #2: Los Extranjeros ilegales están tras nuestro presupuesto de beneficencia y dañando nuestro Seguro Social. (Parte 16).

Bush's plan would improve our budgets for hospitals, jails, and schools, by turning more illegals into taxpayers (many already are) and increasing their wages. In fact, under Bush's plan, "Guest Workers" would actually contribute more, for what they receive, then citizens: since their paychecks would suffer deductions equal to that of citizens, while as noncitizens they would not be eligible for as many benefits as citizens -- and in fact would be penalized, in their quest for LPR, if they receive any real welfare (if the provisions of S1645 are adopted).

El plan Bush podría mejorar nuestros presupuestos para hospitales, prisiones y escuelas volviendo a más ilegales en contribuyentes (muchos de ellos ya lo son) e incrementando sus salarios. De hecho, bajo el plan Bush, "Trabajadores Invitados" podría contribuir más para lo que ellos reciban: desde que sus pagos sufrirían deducciones iguales a las de los ciudadanos, mientras que como no ciudadanos, ellos no serían elegibles para muchos beneficios ­y de hecho sería penalizado, en su petición de LPR, si ellos reciben cual subsidio real (si las provisiones de S1645 son adoptadas).

Opposing Bush's plan in favor of supporting an impractical, politically unrealistic deportation vision which will never happen is, in effect, support for the status quo, which is the worst possible thing we can do for our national budget.

Oponerse al plan Bush en favor de apoyar una deportación políticamente impráctica e irreal que nunca ocurrirá es, en efecto, apoyar el estatus quo, el cual es la peor cosa que podemos hacer por nuestro presupuesto nacional.

As for the other "services" mentioned in Congressman King's letter, which illegal aliens allegedly receive without paying for them: why does he mention "roads and transportation systems"as an area burdened by illegals, when roads are maintained by gasoline taxes, which no illegal can escape paying, who drives on roads?

En cuanto a los otros "servicios" mencionados en la carta del congresista King, en la que se alega que los ilegales los reciben sin pagar por ellos: ¿por qué no menciona a "los sistemas de caminos y transporte" como un área perseguida por los ilegales, cuando los caminos son mantenidos por el pago de impuestos de gasolina, de los que los no ilegales pueden escapar, de quien transita en ellos?

Why does he mention "the health care system" and "Medicaid", as if these are two separate services burdened by illegals? The fact is, emergency rooms of hospitals are the only part of "the health care system" serving illegals, and emergency rooms of hospitals are the only service provided by Medicaid for illegals.

¿Por qué menciona "el sistema de salud" y a "Medicaid" como si ambos fueran servicios separados perseguidos por los ilegales? El hecho es que los cuartos de hospital son solamente una parte del "sistema de salud" sirviendo a los ilegales, y estos cuartos son solamente un servicio proveído por Medicaid para los mismos ilegales.

(Source: "Federal Funding for Unauthorized Aliens' Emergency Medical Expenses", an unattributed article provided by Senator Grassley's office, says that under current law, "Although the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA) barred unauthorized aliens from receiving most Medicaid benefits, they are eligible for emergency Medicaid services. Unauthorized aliens are also eligible for emergency medical services provided by the states.")

(Fuente: "Financiamiento Federal de Gastos Médicos de Emergencia para Extranjeros No Autorizados", un inatribuido artículo provisto por la oficina del Senador Grassley que dice que, bajo la actual ley, "aunque la responsabilidad personal y la oportunidad de trabajo del acta de 1996 (PRWORA) prohibió a los extranjeros no autorizados a recibir más beneficios de Medicaid, ellos son elegibles de los servicios de emergencia de Medicaid. Los extranjeros no autorizados son también elegibles de recibir servicios médicos de emergencia proveídos por los estados".)

Why does Congressman King mention "social security" as a fund hit hard by illegal aliens, when illegals pay into the fund without getting anything back? How can illegals "burden" social security any less than that?

¿Por qué el congresista King menciona "el seguro social" como un duro golpe de financiamiento por los ilegales, cuando éstos lo pagan sin recibir nada a cambio? ¿Cómo pueden los ilegales "cazar" el seguro social por menos que eso?

Under present Social Security law, illegals have social security (FICA) taxes deducted from their paychecks just like everybody else, but illegals only under special, rare conditions ever receive anything back from what they put in. According to "Social Security Benefits for Noncitizens, Current Policy and Legislation", "The Social Security Act does...prohibit the payment of benefits to aliens in the United States who are not 'lawfully present'." Bush's plan would make Guest Workers "lawfully present", but would send them back after 6 years ­ not long enough to retire, and after they are across the border 6 months, current law bars SS benefits!

Bajo la presente ley de Seguro Social, los ilegales pagan los impuestos de éste y que se deducen de sus pagos, igual que todos los demás, sin embargo, ellos únicamente bajo condiciones raras y especiales reciben algo a cambio de lo que ponen. De acuerdo a los "Beneficios del Seguro Social para No Ciudadanos, Legislación y Política Actual": "El Acta del Seguro Socialprohíbe el pago de beneficios a los extranjeros en Estados Unidos que no estén 'legalmente presentes'". El plan Bush podría hacer a los Trabajadores Invitados "legalmente presentes", pero los enviaría de regreso luego de 6 años, un tiempo que no es suficiente para retirarse, y después de estar en la frontera por 6 meses, la ley actual prohíbe los beneficios del Seguro Social.

However, Bush said January 7, 2004, "I will work with foreign governments on a plan to give temporary workers credit, when they enter their own nation's retirement system, for the time they have worked in America." S 1387 proposes a trust fund that would take the SS taxes paid by the nonimmigrant and create a retirement fund. But no scenario ever considered by Congress contemplates taking one penny more out of the SS fund, for the benefit of any nonimmigrant or illegal, than they have paid in.

Como sea, Bush dijo, el 7 de enero del 2004: "Trabajaré con los gobiernos extranjeros en un plan que de crédito a los trabajadores temporales, cuando ellos entren en su propio sistema de retiro en su nación, por el tiempo que trabajaron en América". S1387 propone un fondo de inversión que tomaría del pago de impuestos por concepto de Seguro Social de los no inmigrantes y crear un fondo de retiro. Pero ningún escenario ha considerado que el Congreso contempla tomar un centavo más fuera del fondo del Seguro Social para el beneficio de cualquier no inmigrante o ilegal, que el que ellos hayan pagado.

The future of Social Security is indeed precarious, because we have about 50 million too few workers and future workers in the 0-30 age bracket to support our growing aged population. Why do we have 50 million too few Americans in the 0-30 age bracket? Because we have aborted them, of course. The 0-30 age bracket is the very same age bracket "illegals" long to fill, but we won't let them!

El futuro del Seguro Social es de hecho precario porque tenemos cerca de 50 millones de trabajadores y trabajadores futuros, en el rango de 0-30 años, para apoyar nuestra creciente población de esa edad. ¿Por qué tenemos 50 millones de americanos en el rango de 0-30 años? Porque los hemos abortado, por supuesto. El rango de 0 a 30 es muy similar al de los "ilegales", ¡pero no se los permitiremos!

If we were seriously concerned about the future of our social security, wouldn't we be serious about giving young "illegals" the legal right to work, which would fix our ailing Social Security system?

Si estuviéramos seriamente preocupados por el futuro de nuestro seguro social, ¿no seríamos serios acerca de dar a los jóvenes "ilegales" el derecho de trabajar, lo que arreglaría nuestro frágil sistema de Seguro Social?

Our national inability to love, which slew 50 million of our very own children, is the same inability to love which turns away the very population attempting to repair the disintegrating retirement hopes of the generation which gave America abortion.

Nuestra nacional incapacidad de amar, la cual asesinó a 50 millones de nuestros propios hijos, es la misma incapacidad de amar que aleja a la población a intentar reparar la desintegración de los anhelos de retiro de la generación que dio el aborto a América.

Illegals themselves insist it is not welfare or any other "services" that brought them here, but work. Certainly what they do not want is to be offered services while denied the opportunity to legally work, and then when they accept services because they cannot find enough illegal work yet must still eat, to be blamed for wanting to come here just so they can mooch off welfare!

Los ilegales por sí mismos insisten que no es subsidio ni otro "servicio" lo que los trae aquí, sino trabajo. Ciertamente lo que ellos no quieren es que sean ofrecidos servicios en tanto que se les negó la oportunidad de trabajar legalmente, y entonces cuando aceptar los servicios porque no pueden encontrar un trabajo que les de para comer, son culpados por querer venir aquí solamente porque ellos pueden ser subsidiados.

Next issue: Myth #3: Illegal aliens work for less, which competes with citizens, driving wages down; and Bush's plan would make it worse. The best thing we can do for our wages is ship all illegal aliens South.

Próximo número: Mito #3: Los trabajadores ilegales trabajan por menos, lo que compite con los ciudadanos, conduciendo a una baja salarial; y el plan Bush podría ser peor. La mejor cosa que podemos hacer por nuestros salarios es enviar a todos los ilegales al sur.

Myth #3: Illegal aliens work for less, competing with citizens, driving wages down: and Bush's plan would make it worse. Either illegal aliens go South, or our wages go South. (Part 17.)

Mito #3: Los trabajadores ilegales trabajan por menos, lo que compite con los ciudadanos, conduciendo a una baja salarial; y el plan Bush podría ser peor. Ni los extranjeros ilegales van al sur ni nuestros salarios se van con ellos. (Parte 17).

Which scenario do you think most threatens to drive down wages because illegals will work for less:

¿Cuál scenario piensas que más amenaza conducer cuesta abajo los salaries porque los ilegales trabajarán por menos?:

a) the current situation, where illegals get fake ID's and take jobs at $5 an hour or less where their ID's won't be seriously scrutinized?

a) La actual situación en donde los ilegales obtienen identificaciones falsas y toman trabajos por 5 dólares la hora o en donde sus identificaciones no serán seriamente cuestionadas

(b) Bush's Guest Worker plan, where illegals will be able to work legally, so it will be safe to ask for $10 an hour ­ and indeed where guest workers will try hard to earn a pay raise because that will help them earn a Green Card (if the incentives of S1387 are adopted)?

b) El plan del Trabajador Invitado de Bush en donde los ilegales estarán capacitados para trabajar legalmente, y por tanto estará a salvo pedir 10 dólares por hora de trabajo y ciertamente en donde los trabajadores invitados tratarán muy duro de ganarse un pago alto porque eso los ayudará a obtener la Tarjeta Verde (si los incentivos de S1387 son adoptados

(c) Pat Buchanan and Michelle Malkin's plan, where illegals will be forced out of jobs here and returned to Mexico where they will work for an American factory for $5 a day?

c) El plan de Pat Buchanan y Michelle Malkin en donde los ilegales serán forzados a dejar sus trabajos aquí y a regresar a México en donde trabajarán para una fábrica americana por 5 dólares el día

Immigrants cannot come here and "take away jobs from citizens" because every worker is also a consumer, which thus creates about as many new jobs for citizens as the immigrants take.

Los inmigrantes no pueden venir aquí y "arrebatar los trabajos que son para los ciudadanos" porque cada empleado es también un consumidor, lo cual crea tantos trabajos nuevos para los ciudadanos como los que toman los inmigrantes.

As consumers, they have to pay the prices our economy charges them, whether they, as workers, earn a lot or little.

Como consumidores, ellos tienen que pagar los precios que nuestra economía les carga, no importa que, como empleados, ganen mucho o poco.

Therefore, the less they earn, the more U.S. citizens benefit, because the cost to citizens is less, of the services immigrants provide; while the good paying jobs they create, by the services they need as consumers, remains the same.

Por lo tanto, entre menos ganen, mayor es el beneficio de los ciudadanos americanos porque el costo para los ciudadanos es menor al de los servicios que los inmigrantes proveen; mientras que la buena paga por los trabajos que ellos generan, debido a los servicios que necesitan como consumidores, permanece igual.

Critics of immigration reform think citizens would be better off if immigrants were paid more, but the truth is just the opposite: The more they are paid, the higher becomes the cost to citizens of the services they provide us, while the services they need from us remain about the same. Of course the richer they are the more they will spend, but not all their disposable income will be spent on jobs-creating services here. Much of it will go to families in their home countries.

Los críticos de la reforma inmigratoria piensan que los ciudadanos deberían estar mejor, si los inmigrantes fueran mejor remunerados, pero la verdad es justo lo contrario: entre más reciban como salario, más alto se vuelve el costo para los ciudadanos de los servicios que ellos nos proveen, mientras que los servicios que necesitan de nosotros permanecen igual. Por supuesto, entre más ricos son, más gastarán, pero no todo su ingreso será gastado en los servicios producto de la creación de trabajos aquí. Gran parte de éste será para las familias en sus países de origen.

This is not to say we should treat immigrants as slaves. But we should understand that if they are paid well, that benefits them, not us; and if they are paid poorly, that benefits us, not them. If they are willing to work for less, we should thank them, not accuse them.

Esto no quiere decir que deberíamos tratar a los inmigrantes como esclavos, sino que deberíamos entender que si ellos están bien pagados, eso los beneficia a ellos, no a nosotros; y si ellos no reciben una buena paga, eso nos beneficia a nosotros y no a ellos. Si desean trabajar por menos, deberíamos agradecérselos, no acusarlos.

When politicians debate raising the minimum wage for citizens, they are not confused about who it is for. Their concern is for the citizens whose wages are too low. No one suggests that if some citizens are paid too little, that will raise prices, or lower wages, for the rest of us.

Cuando los políticos debaten por aumentar el salario mínimo de los ciudadanos, ellos no están confundidos acerca de para quién es. Su preocupación es por los ciudadanos cuyos salarios son demasiado bajos. Nadie sugiera que si algunos ciudadanos perciben menos, eso aumentará los precios o bajará los salarios para el resto de nosotros.

No one says "we have to raise their minimum wage so the rest of our wages will go up."

Nadie dice: "nosotros tenemos que aumentar su salario mínimo, así el resto de nuestros sueldos se elevará".

Why do we think backwards when we talk about immigrants?

¿Por qué pensamos hacia atrás cuando hablamos de inmigrantes?

Republicans argue that when we raise the minimum wage, all other wages go up, and costs go up, leaving a net gain for everybody of zero, because the value of our dollar goes down because of inflation. But this is the criticism of the very concept of a minimum wage.

Los Republicanos argumentan que cuando elevamos el salario mínimo, todos los demás sueldos se elevan, y los costos también, dejando una ganancia de cero para todos porque el valor de nuestro dólar baja por la inflación. Pero esto es lo crítico del concepto de un salario mínimo.

The fact remains that when anyone, citizen or noncitizen, is willing to serve us for less, we should thank them as we patronize them. Because Americans will patronize them. We might as well stop accusing them of working for us, as we hire them.

El hecho que permanece es que cuando alguien, sea ciudadano o no, quiere servirnos por menos, deberíamos darle la gracias así como tratarlo con condescendencia. Porque los americanos los trataremos con condescendencia. Debemos igualmente detener las acusaciones en su contra por trabajar para nosotros, así como contratarlos.

If consumers really cared about immigrants getting paid well, they would demand products whose packaging can certify that all the workers who helped produced the product received at least a minimum wage. Can you imagine that happening?! As long as consumers flock to products produced by Chinese slave labor, their consciences aren't going to prick them over illegal aliens compensated hundreds of times better!

Si los consumidores realmente se preocuparan de que los inmigrantes reciban un buen sueldo, ellos demandarían productos cuyo empaque puede certificar que todos los empleados que ayudaron a producir dicho producto recibieron al menos un salario mínimo. ¿Puedes imaginarte que eso pase? ¡Tan pronto los consumidores consuman en masa los productos producidos por los esclavos chinos, sus conciencias no los pincharán sobre los extranjeros ilegales compensados cientos de veces mejor!

To create a public policy that causes illegal aliens to be paid poorly, and then call them "lawbreakers" for stealing our jobs and driving down the wages of those we still have, is not just ignorance of how our economy works. It is adding insult to injury.

Crear una política pública que provoque que los extranjeros ilegales sean pagados pobremente, y entonces llamarlos "infractores" por robarse nuestros trabajos y llevar a la baja los salaries de aquellos que aún lo tenemos, no es sólo ignorar cómo funciona nuestra economía. Es añadir un insulto a la injuria.

It is like a slave owner blaming his slaves for forcing him to mistreat them. It is like a rapist blaming his victim for attracting him.

Es como si un tratante de esclavos los culpara por forzarlo a maltratarlos. Es como si un violador culpara a su víctima por atraerlo.

Bush's plan, if it is made less cumbersome, would benefit both Americans and immigrants.

El plan de Bush, si es hecho menos engorroso, beneficiaría tanto a los americanos como a los inmigrantes.

It would benefit Americans by limiting supply to demand.

Beneficiaría a los americanos limitando los suministros a la demanda.

It will not reduce the number of jobs available. When workers come North, they also become consumers, creating new jobs, which would be available to invite more immigrants North. But by tightly linking supply to demand, the creation of jobs would be smooth, without excesses pools of labor or of unfilled jobs at any time.

No reducirá el número de trabajos disponibles. Cuando los trabajadores vienen del norte, ellos también se convierten en consumidores, creando nuevos empleos, lo cual haría disponible la invitación para más inmigrantes. Pero por vincular apretadamente el suministro a la demanda, la creación de empleos se daría sin problemas, sin excesos de labor o de trabajos no satisfechos en cualquier momento.

To the extent it is administered fairly and trustworthily, it will stop illegal border crossings, because workers will trust the INS when it says no more jobs are available, but as soon as one becomes available it will be available legally.

Administrado justa y confiablemente, detendrá el cruce ilegal de la frontera porque los trabajadores confiarán en el INS cuando dice que no hay más trabajos disponibles, pero que tan pronto como se abra una plaza, estará disponible legalmente.

It would benefit immigrants by giving them more assurance that after they make the trip North, a job will be available.

Beneficiaría a los inmigrantes dándoles más seguridad de que, después de que viajen al norte, un trabajo estará disponible.

Next issue: Myth #4: Bush's plan would be an amnesty for lawbreakers, which undermines the Rule of Law.

Próximo número: Mito #4: El plan Bush sería una amnistía para los infractores, la cual socava la Norma de la Ley.

Myth #4: Bush's plan would be an amnesty for lawbreakers, which undermines the Rule of Law. (Part 18.)

Mito #4: El plan Bush sería una amnistía para los infractores, la cual socava la Norma de la Ley. (Parte 18).

Many say any change in immigration law that allows illegals a place in the line for legalization will "reward" them for violating immigration law, which will "undermine the rule of law".

Muchos dicen que cualquier cambio en la ley inmigratoria que permita a los ilegales hacer fila para la legalización, los "premiará" por violar dicha ley, lo que "socavará la norma de la ley".

Rewarding lawbreakers? It rewards breakers of the old law, to pass a new law which they aren't breaking? That's like saying no legislature has the right to raise speed limits on freeways because that just rewards those speeders who broke the law before the limits were raised. The fact is, most laws, and revisions of laws, make legal, for some people, what was previously illegal, and no one (except "send 'em South" types) talks about rewarding lawbreakers just because the legislature decided to change a law.

¿Premiar a los infractores? ¿Premia a los infractores de la ley anterior pasar a una nueva ley que no romperán? Eso es como decir que ninguna legislatura tiene el derecho de aumentar los límites de velocidad en las autopistas porque eso sólo premia a aquellos corredores que rompieron la ley antes de que los límites fueran elevados. El hecho es que, la mayoría de las leyes y las revisiones de éstas, hacen legal, para algunas personas, lo que previamente fue ilegal, y nadie (excepto "enviarlos al Sur") habla sobre premiar a los infractores sólo porque la legislatura decidió cambiar una ley.

The goal ever before lawmakers OUGHT to be the vision of better laws, not some sophistry about rewarding lawbreakers by "fixing" laws that everyone admits are "broke".

La meta es que los infractores deben tener la visión de mejores leyes, no de algo sofista acerca de premiarlos por "arreglar" las leyes que cada quien admite son "violadas".

No wonder America is hamstrung with so many laws and regulations today! We always suspected it, but now we know: politicians believe it is some kind of immoral act, if not a crime, to repeal a regulation!

¡No sorprende que América esté siendo dañada con tantas leyes y regulaciones en este momento! Siempre lo sospechamos, pero ahora lo sabemos: los políticos creen que es una especie de acto inmoral, si no es que un crimen, revocar una regulación.

The Rule of Law is not undermined by lawmakers changing a law. That is the only thing lawmakers do. When lawmakers consider raising the speed limit, or lightening a penalty, they do not talk about whether that will "reward" those penalized under the current law. They debate, instead, whether the law itself is right: whether it strikes the right balance between competing interests.

La Norma de la Ley no es socavada por los legisladores cambiando una ley. Eso es solamente lo que hacen los legisladores. Cuando ellos consideran elevar el límite de velocidad o aclarar una sanción, ellos no hablan sobre si eso "premiará" a aquellos penalizados bajo la actual ley. Ellos debaten, en su lugar, si la ley en sí misma es correcta: si ataca el derecho de equilibrio entre los intereses competentes.

Wouldn't border patrol agents "uphold the law" just as much, if their orders were to interdict hundreds of real drug criminals, but no longer the hundreds of thousands whose "crime" is seeking steady work?

¿No "desatarían" los agentes de la patrulla fronteriza la ley tanto, si sus órdenes fueran atrapar cientos de auténticos criminales, pero no tanto para los cientos de milos cuyo "crimen" es buscar un trabajo estable?

Obeying a normally good law in situations where obedience does harm is not "the rule of law", but "legalism". Speeding laws are normally good, but if a passenger in your car is bleeding profusely, it is not good to obey the speeding law on your way to the hospital. In fact, the Necessity Defense was created for just such situations. It sets aside laws when they interfere with saving life.

Obedeciendo una ley normalmente buena en situaciones en donde la obediencia daña no es "la norma de la ley", sino "legalidad". Las leyes de velocidad son normalmente buenas, pero si un pasajero en su carro está sangrando profusamente, no es bueno obedecerlas durante el camino al hospital. De hecho, la Necesidad de Defensa fue creada para tales situaciones. Las leyes se hacen a un lado cuando interfieren al salvar una vida.

Jesus nailed the very purpose of law when he asked, rhetorically, when a crippled man would have remained crippled had Jesus obeyed the Sanhedrin's twisted rulings on Sabbath law that prohibited healing on the Sabbath, "Is it lawful to do good..., or to do evil? to save life, or to kill?" (Mark 3:4.)

Jesús clavó el propósito de la ley al preguntar, retóricamente, cuando curó a un hombre lisiado y desobedeció las retorcidas reglas del Sanedrín durante el Sabat, que prohibía curar ese día: "¿Es legal hacer el bien o hacer el mal? ¿Salvar una vida o matar?" (Marcos 3:4).

When Jesus asked this, the Supreme Sanhedrin judges "held their peace". And so must all lawmakers in all times. It is obvious that it is always lawful to do good, and to save life. The only logical purpose of law is to protect doing good, and restrain doing evil. A law whose very purpose is to do harm is a contradiction in terms. To the extent there is public consensus that a law has no good purpose, but causes harm, people do not regard it as legitimate law. They avoid obeying it, and regard, as corrupt threats to the Rule of Law, police and judges who enforce it.

Cuando Jesús lo preguntó, los jueces del Supremo Sanedrín "contuvieron su paz". Y así muchos de los legisladores de todos los tiempos. Es obvio que siempre es legal hacer el bien y salvar una vida. El único propósito lógico de la ley es proteger el hacer el bien, y reprimir de hacer el mal. Una ley cuyo simple propósito es dañar es una contradicción en términos. Para alcanzarla hay un consenso público de que una ley no tiene un buen propósito, sino causas perjudiciales, y la gente no siente simpatía por ella como una ley legítima. Ellos evitan obedecerla, como una corrupta amenaza a la Norma de la Ley, así como a la policía y a los jueces que la hacen cumplir.

That's why America's founders, who assumed God is the supreme expert on what constitutes Good, quoted Blackstone's declaration that "any law opposed to the laws of God is no law at all." Though Judge Myron Thompson dismissed such a notion in ruling against Judge Roy Moore over the Ten Commandments, our founding fathers considered this a pillar of "the rule of law". According to our forefathers' understanding of "the rule of law", when a law of man requires disobeying God, it is the law of man, and obedience to it, which undermines "the rule of law". Disobeying a legalistic rule of man, in order to obey God in doing good, strengthens the Rule of Law, and only undermines the Rule of Legalism.

Por eso los fundadores de América, quienes asumieron que Dios es el supremo experto en qué constituye al Bien, citaron la declaración de Blackstone que dice que "ningún ley opuesta a las leyes de Dios es una ley en absoluto". Aunque el juez Myron Thompson desechó una noción contra el juez Roy Moore sobre los Diez Mandamientos, nuestros padres fundadores consideraron esto como un pilar de "la norma de la ley". De acuerdo a nuestros padres, entenderla, cuando una ley del hombre implica desobedecer a Dios, es la ley del hombre y la obediencia de ésta la que socava "la norma de la ley". Desobedecer una regla hecha por el hombre, en orden de obedecer a Dios haciendo el bien, refuerza la Norma de la Ley y solamente se socava la Regla de la Legalidad.

(Source for the statement about one of the issues of Judge Moore's trials: Thomas Moore Law Center email, April 11, 2004.)

(Fuente para la declaración acerca de uno de los temas de los juicios del juez Moore: Thomas More Law Center email, abril 11 del 2004.)

This is why immigration laws, today, on both sides of the border, against helping the helpless, are serious threats to the Rule of Law and why no one should demand obedience to them. The duty to help the helpless is no small matter. In Christianity, the faith of 84% of Americans, it is the expression of "loving your neighbor as yourself", which is Christianity's Second Greatest Commandment. (Luke 10:27-37, Matthew 22:39.)

Esto es el por qué las leyes de inmigración, actualmente y en ambos lados de la frontera, en contra de ayudar al necesitado, son graves amenazas para la Norma de la Ley, y por qué nadie debería obedecerlas. El deber de ayudar al necesitado no es cualquier asunto. En Cristiandad, la fe del 84 por ciento de los americanos, es la expresión de "amar a tu prójimo como a ti mismo", lo que representa el Segundo Gran Mandamiento del Cristianismo. (Lucas 10:27-37, Mateo 22:39).

Next issue: Myth #4 continued: Bush's amnesty for lawbreakers undermines the Rule of Law. The truth is that laws against helping neighbors destroy the Rule of Law.

Próximo número: Mito #4: La amnistía de Bush para los infractores socava la Norma de la Ley. La verdad es que las leyes en contra de ayudar al prójimo destruyen la Norma de la Ley.

Myth #4 continued: Bush's amnesty for lawbreakers undermines the Rule of Law. The truth is that laws against helping neighbors destroy the Rule of Law. (Part 19.)

Mito #4: La amnistía de Bush para los infractores socava la Norma de la Ley. La verdad es que las leyes en contra de ayudar al prójimo destruyen la Norma de la Ley. (Parte 19).

Mexico has laws against importing food, clothes, and donated medicines for missionaries to give away free to Mexico's most poor. Enforcement is inconsistent and irrational. Steve Frey, a missionary who routinely carried donated medical supplies to free clinics operated by American missionaries South of the border, was arrested September 10, 2003. His offense was carrying cough syrup into Mexico, even though there is no law in Mexico against cough syrup. However, one of the minute ingredients of the cough syrup, had it not been diluted by the cough syrup, would have been an illegal drug. After 104 days in a Mexican prison, layers of lawyers, and over $5,000 in bribes, (it is often a judgment call for an American to distinguish between a Mexican "fee" or a bribe; the more inconsistently it is levied, and the less authorization it has in statutory law, and the less likely the money is to make it into any public general fund, the more it leans to being a bribe) he was released.

México tiene leyes contra la importación de alimentos, ropa y medicinas donadas por los misioneros para los más pobres del país. Hacerlas cumplir es inconsistente e irracional. Steve Frey, un misionero que rutinariamente dona suministros médicos a las clínicas operadas por misioneros americanos de la frontera sur, fue arrestado el 10 de septiembre del 2003. Su ofensa fue ingresar jarabe para la tos a México, aunque no hay una ley en México contra éste. Como sea, uno de los ingredientes del jarabe no había sido diluido, por lo que habría sido una droga ilegal.

(Source: 9/11/03 Focus On the Family News said a medical missionary was arrested by Mexican authorities for carrying illegal drugs across the border, though the drug at issue was a common ingredient in cough medicine. The additional charge was for not declaring them and paying customs on them, even though the intended recipients would never receive medicine any other way than by receiving them free. Missionary Mel Leslie of Reynoso told me Don Russel, of Kingsway Missionary Institute, in McAllen Texas, (956/682-6187, Kingsway77@aol.com), was helping him. Missionary Dick White in Des Moines, 515/287-0007, told me about the bribe after 4 months, and that the missionary is in Canada as of April 1, 2004. On April 13, 2004 Russel wrote: "My son Mark, tried to help the guy you mentioned. I think it cost him a lot more than $5000.00 to get out. I am sorry that I don't have contact with him. His name is Steve Frey. Wayne Jones is over his ministry, I think. His number is 859-489-0225. I hope this helps." I left message for Jones, but the number says he is "Duane", with Power of Prayer Ministries.)

(Fuente: Focus on the Family News, 9 de noviembre del 2003. Aquí se dijo que un misionario médico fue arrestado por las autoridades mexicanas por llevar drogas ilegales a través de la frontera, aunque la droga es un ingrediente común en la medicina para la tos. El cargo adicional fue no declararlo y pagar impuestos por esto, aunque la intención de los destinatarios no sería recibir la medicina por otro medio que gratis. El misionero Mel Leslie, de Reynosa, me dijo que Don Russel, del instituto misionero Kingsway, en MacAllen, Texas, (956/682-6187, ) fue ayudarlo. El misionero Dick White, en Des Moines, 515/287-007, me habló acerca del soborno luego de 4 meses, y que el misionero está en Canadá desde abril del 2004. El día 13 de ese mes, Russel escribió: "Mi hijo Mark intentó ayudar a la persona que mencionaste. Pienso que le costó más de 5 mil dólares que lo liberaran. Lamento no tener contacto con él. Su hombre es Steve Frey. Wayne Jones es su ministro, creo. Su número es 859-489-0225. Espero que sirva". Le dejé un mensaje a Jones, pero el número dice que es "Duane", con Poder de Ministros de Oración.)

On our side of the border, Pascual Alvarez, who lives north of Donna, Texas, picked up a family of homeless hitchhikers. When he saw they were hungry, he stopped at a grocery store to buy them food. When he came out, the INS was arresting the family, and was about to confiscate his car! He told them they can do that if they want, but he is not going to stop helping a brother in need. He later explained, in his broken but eloquent English, that if he must choose between man's laws and God's, he will obey the latter, because "those men are on the ground, but my Father is in the sky." (Pascual himself worked illegally as a carpenter for many years, before an opportunity finally came for a green card.)

En nuestro lado de la frontera, Pascual Alvarez, quien vive al norte de Donna, Texas, recogió a una familia sin casa. Cuando vio que estaban hambrientos, se detuvo en una tienda para comprarles comida. Al regresar, el INS estaba arrestando a la familia y su carro fue confiscado. Les dijo que podía hacerlo si ellos querían, pero que él no se iba a detener en ayudar a un hermano en necesidad. Más tarde explicó, en su roto, pero elocuente inglés, que si el debe elegir entre las leyes del hombre y las de Dios, obedecerá las últimas porque "esos hombres están en la tierra, pero mi Padre está en el cielo". (Pascual trabajó por sí mismo ilegalmente como carpintero por mucho años, antes de que una oportunidad finalmente llegara para obtener la tarjeta verde).

(Pascual Alvarez, 956-383-0596, Box 283 LA, 1925 Col 5 Hermanos, La Blanca TX 78558)

Those sincere about upholding "the rule of law" should work to repeal laws against helping others, which decent, moral Americans cannot in good conscience obey. Hate laws undermine the rule of law.

Aquéllos sinceros acerca de liberar "la norma de la ley" deberían trabajar para revocar las leyes en contra de ayudar a otros, lo cual la decente moral de los americanos no puede obedecer en buena conciencia. Odia las leyes que socavan la norma de la ley.

Were the issue a traditional crime, such as murder, rape, or robbery, then making it a crime to help criminals hide from the law ("an accessory to crime") would be understandable. And yet when even these criminals are in desperate need -- starving, exposed, injured -- our law does not criminalize saving their lives.

Fuera el asunto un crimen tradicional, como el asesinato, el rapto o robo, entonces hacer un crimen ayudar a los criminales a esconderse de la ley sería entendible. Y aún cuando estos criminales estén en desesperada necesidad-hambrientos, expuestos, heridos-nuestra ley no pena el salvar sus vidas.

Neither should our law consider it a crime to save lives of those whose "crime" is trying to get a job even though they are not one of the first X number to apply for a citizenship. The reason it matters that this is not defined as a crime anywhere in the Bible or any other religious teaching, is that many religions, and especially the predominant religion in America -- Christianity, commands helping even "Samaritans"; so if our laws criminalize obeying God's laws, we have a conflict of laws. Human laws which conflict with God's laws do far more to undermine any Rule of Law than disobedience to such "laws".

Ninguno debería considerar un crimen salvar las vidas de aquellos cuyo "crimen" es tratar de conseguir un trabajo, incluso aunque ellos no son el primer número X para solicitar la ciudadanía. La razón que importa es que esto no es definido como un crimen en ninguna parte de la Biblia ni en ninguna otra enseñanza religiosa, es que muchas religiones, especialmente la predominante en América ­el Cristianismo ordena ayudar incluso a los "samaritanos"; así si nuestras leyes penalizan la obediencia a las leyes de Dios, tenemos un conflicto. Las leyes humanas tienen conflicto con las de Dios tanto que socavan cualquier Norma de la Ley como la desobediencia de tales "leyes".

Next issue: Myth #5: We will run out of land if we open up the doors any wider to immigration.

Próximo número: Mito #5: Huiremos de la tierra, si abrimos las puertas a la inmigración.

Myth #5: We will run out of land if we open up the doors any wider to immigration. (Part 20.)

Mito #5: Huiremos de la tierra, si abrimos las puertas a la inmigración. (Parte 20).

We will not run out of space if we open up the doors wider to immigration. That is the argument of abortionists. If the entire world population were packed as densely as Chicago's 13,000 people per square mile, (less than half the density of New York City and the Los Angeles metropolitan area), they would fill up a metropolis consuming only 10% of U.S. land, leaving 90% for agriculture and parks. (Thanks to Dowingba.com for the perspective.) (Nor should world density increase very much more. The world's 6.3 billion population is projected to swell to 9 billion in 45 years, and then level off.)

No nos quedaremos sin espacio, si abrimos las puertas a la inmigración. Esto es el argumento que usan los que están a favor del aborto. Si la totalidad de la población mundial fuera acomodada tan densamente como en Chicago, en donde hay 13 mil personas por cada milla cuadrada, (menos de la mitad de la densidad de Nueva York y el área metropolitana de Los Angeles), llenarían una metrópolis consumiendo sólo el 10% de la tierra de Estados Unidos, dejando un 90% para la agricultura y las áreas verdes. (Gracias a Dowingba.com por la perspectiva). (Tampoco la densidad mundial debería incrementarse mucho. La población del mundo de 6.3 billones de personas está protegida para crecer a 9 billones en 45 años).

Obviously adjustments would have to be made, such as Manhattan Island has made since it was traded for 24 beads. But change can be satisfactory. Most New Yorkers, for some inexplicable reason, like it better now than then, as proved by the fact they remain where they are rather than moving to countries with stone age cultures. New Yorkers back then would have said of today's population density, "physically impossible"! But each new human being who joins us, brings with him additional ingenuity which can help our population density work for us, just as it always has in every great city of the world.

Obviamente los ajustes tendrían que ser hechos, tal y como lo hizo la isla de Manhattan desde que fue intercambiada por 24 cuentas. Pero el cambio puede ser satisfactorio. La mayoría de los neoyorquinos, por alguna razón inexplicable, están mejor que antes, y como prueba está el hecho de que permanecen en donde están en lugar de cambiarse a otros países en donde todavía hay culturas de la edad de piedra. Los neoyorquinos regresan y entonces tendría que haber dicho acerca de la densidad poblacional de hoy, que es "físicamente imposible". Pero cada nuevo ser humano que se nos une, trae consigo una ingenuidad adicional la cual puede ayudar a nuestra población a trabajar para nosotros, tal y como siempre ha ocurrido en cada gran ciudad del mundo.

My point is not that we should do everything we can to get the biggest population we can as soon as we can. My point is that here are millions of Mexicans already here who just need to be treated fairly. It is absurd to imagine that ­ because we have no room for them ­ we cannot afford to share with them the same opportunity to work with which God has blessed us!

Mi punto no es que deberíamos hacer todo lo que podamos para tener la más grande población que podamos. Mi punto es que aquí están millones de mexicanos que todavía necesitan ser tratados justamente. Es absurdo imaginar que porque no tenemos espacio para ellos, no podemos permitirnos compartir con ellos la misma oportunidad de trabajar con la que Dios nos ha bendecido.

We have room! At least on our land. The issue is whether we will make room in our hearts.

¡Tenemos espacio! Al menos en nuestra tierra. Este asunto se trata de si tendremos espacio en nuestros corazones.

Population paranoia promises that poverty increases proportionate to population. Have you seen evidence of that anywhere? Is the world poorer now than it was 100 years ago?Cities have ghettos, but not because of density; but rather because of corrupt government and unfair economic practices. Yet even ghettos, to this day, attract poor people from the countryside who anticipate a greater chance of employment where the population is denser!

Las promesas de la paranoia población que dice que la pobreza aumenta proporcionalmente a la población. ¿Has visto evidencia de eso en alguna parte? ¿Es el mundo más pobre ahora de lo que era hace 100 años? Las ciudades tienen ghettos, pero no por la densidad; sino por el gobierno corrupto y sus injustas prácticas económicas. Aún en los ghettos, a este día, se atrae gente pobre del campo y anticipan un gran chance de empleo en donde la población es más densa.

Density poses problems to be prepared for. But it also offers opportunities to be grasped, through the multiplied brainpower available to us. Against this perspective, it is tragically foolish to imagine we are defending our interests, by deliberately limiting the opportunity of other human brains to share their potential with us!

Los problemas de la densidad están preparados para eso, pero también ofrecen oportunidades para ser comprendido, a través del multiplicado poder mental disponible en nosotros. Contra esta perspectiva, es trágicamente tonto imaginar que estamos defendiendo nuestros intereses limitando deliberadamente la oportunidad de otras inteligencias humanas de compartir su potencial con nosotros.

Especially where they are already here, taking up our land! To allow them on our land, and not allow their brainpower to help us use it more efficiently, isn't very bright. To do that, and then complain of feeling crowded, is like the bureaucrat who throws half his money out the window and then complains to the legislature that he doesn't have enough.

Especialmente en donde ellos ya están aquí. Admitirlos en nuestra tierra y no permitirles que su inteligencia nos ayude a usarla más eficientemente, no es muy listo. Hacerlo y quejarnos de que estamos sobre poblados es como el burócrata que tira la mitad de su dinero por la ventana y luego se queja de que no tiene suficiente.

It isn't population density that makes anyone poor. It's corrupt government, and laws and religions of hate. Where there is freedom, and love of neighbor, technology flourishes, enabling us to use space better. Mexico has about 126 people per square mile to the U.S.'s 79.6, which makes us almost adjacent on a world density chart. Illegals aren't fleeing population density: they come, mostly, to California's 217.2 people per square mile.

No es la densidad de la población lo que convierte a alguien en pobre. Es el gobierno corrupto, y las leyes y religiones de odio. En donde hay libertad y amor al prójimo, la tecnología prospera, habilitándonos para usar mejor el espacio. México tiene alrededor de 126 personas por milla cuadrada en comparación con las 79.6 en Estados Unidos, lo cual nos hace al menos adyacentes a una gráfica de densidad mundial. Los ilegales no están aumentando la población: ellos vienen en su mayoría a California en donde hay 217.2 personas por milla cuadrada.

(Source: http://www.apagear.org/0502/english.html, http://www.voyagenow.com/travelreferences/en/wikipedia/l/li/list_of_countries_by_population_density.html)

(Fuente: , http://www.apagear.org/0502/english.html, http://www.voyagenow.com/travelreferences/en/wikipedia/l/li/list_of_countries_by_population_density.html)

Part of our solution surely must be to acknowledge the blessings we have, and share them. As President Bush stated January 7, 2004, "The best way, in the long run, to reduce the pressures that create illegal immigration in the first place is to expand economic opportunity among the countries in our neighborhood. In a few days I will go to Mexico for the Special Summit of the Americas, where we will discuss ways to advance free trade, and to fight corruption, and encourage the reforms that lead to prosperity. Real growth and real hope in the nations of our hemisphere will lessen the flow of new immigrants to America when more citizens of other countries are able to achieve their dreams at their own home."

Parte de nuestra solución seguramente debe ser reconocer las bendiciones que tenemos y compartirlas. Así lo declaré el Presidente Bush el 7 de enero del 2004: "La mejor manera, en el largo camino, es reducir las presiones de que crear inmigración ilegal es el primer lugar para expandir la oportunidad económica entre los países de nuestro vecindario. En unos días, iré a México para el Encuentro de las Américas, y discutiremos las maneras de avanzar hacia un libre tratado, y luchar contra la corrupción, así como alentar las reformas que conduzcan a la prosperidad. El crecimiento real y la auténtica esperanza en las naciones de nuestro hemisferio disminuirá el flujo de nuevos inmigrantes a América en cuanto más ciudadanos de otros países estén capacitados para alcanzar sus sueños en su propio hogar".

Next issue: Myth #6: Bush's plan would only make the national security nightmare, created by illegal aliens, worse. The INS can't keep track of the aliens we have already, not to mention the additional millions Bush wants to invite!

Próximo número: Mito #6: El plan Bush podría hacer solamente de la seguridad nacional una pesadilla, creada por los extranjeros ilegales, mucho peor. El INS no puede mantener el rastreo de los extranjeros que ya tenemos, sin mencionar los millones adicionales que Bush quiere invitar.

Myth #6: Bush's plan would only make the national security nightmare, created by illegal aliens, worse. The INS can't keep track of the aliens we have already, not to mention the additional millions Bush wants to invite! (Part 21.)

Mito #6: El plan Bush podría hacer solamente de la seguridad nacional una pesadilla, creada por los extranjeros ilegales, mucho peor. El INS no puede mantener el rastreo de los extranjeros que ya tenemos, sin mencionar los millones adicionales que Bush quiere invitar. (Parte 21).

Would U.S. border security be helped if 10 million Hispanics switched from fake ID's to legal, tamper-proof ID's? Wouldn't the INS have a much easier time of concentrating on illegal aliens, if their number were reduced from 10 million to a few thousand?

¿Podría la seguridad de la frontera estadounidense ser auxiliada, si 10 millones de hispanos cambian sus identificaciones falsas a documentos legales? ¿No tendría el INS mucho más tiempo para concentrarse en los extranjeros ilegales, si su número fuera reducido de 10 millones a unos miles?

Illegals will have to use their fake ID's a lot more, and will be easier to catch, when they can no longer bury themselves in communities who meet each other's needs and help each other avoid contact with authorities.

Los ilegales tendrán que usar sus identificaciones falsas mucho más, y será más fácil atraparlos cuando ellos no puedan más esconderse en comunidades en las que cada uno conoce las necesidades del otro y se ayudan a evitar el contacto con las autoridades.

And wouldn't the few remaining illegals much more likely be the criminal element which should be the priority of INS deportation efforts?

The security challenge is to create natural incentives for illegals to voluntarily report to the INS. Bush's plan is not specific enough to tell us what mix of positive and negative incentives Bush would favor; S 1387 relies heavily on positive incentives to participate, while H2899 relies more on heavy fines on employers.

El recto de seguridad es crear incentivos naturales para que los ilegales sean voluntariamente reportados al INS. El plan de Bush no es lo suficientemente específico al decirnos qué mezcla de incentivos tanto positivos como negativos preferiría; S1387 enfatiza en incentivos positivos para participar, mientras que la H2899 hace hincapié en beneficiar a los empresarios.

The more a plan would rely on negative incentives, the bigger the bureaucracy necessary to enforce it. Our goal ought to be the most positive incentives possible, that are still effective -- in order to come as close as we can to actually reducing the INS bureaucracy.

Entre más un plan descanse en incentivos negativos, mayor será la burocracia necesaria para hacerlos cumplir. Nuestra meta debe estar enfocada en los incentivos positivos, que son efectivos ­en orden de acercarse tanto como podamos de hecho reducir la burocracia del INS.

But critics like Michelle Malkin calls positive incentives "amnesty".

Pero críticos, como Michelle Malkin, llaman incentivos positivos a la "amnistía".

Amnesty means letting illegals continue as they are, but legally. Bush's plan would not allow illegals to continue as they are. It redraws the immigration landscape.

Amnistía significa dejar que los ilegales continúen tal y como están, pero de manera legal. El plan de Bush no permitiría a los ilegales continuar como están. Esto redibuja el panorama de inmigración.

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